For the most current version of this Note, see Background Notes A-Z.
Location: Central Africa. Bordering nations--Angola, Burundi, Central African Republic, Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia.
Area: 2.345 sq. km. (905,063 sq. mi.; about the size of the U.S. east of the Mississippi).
Cities: Capital--Kinshasa (pop. approx. 9 million). Regional capitals--Bandundu, Bukavu, Goma, Kananga, Kindu, Kisangani, Lubumbashi, Matadi, Mbandaka, Mbuji-Mayi.
Terrain: Varies from tropical rainforests to mountainous terraces, plateaus, savannas, dense grasslands, and mountains.
Climate: Equatorial; ranges from tropical rainforest in the Congo River basin, hot and humid in much of the north and west, cooler and drier in the south central area and the east.
Nationality: Noun and adjective--Congolese.
Population (2011 est.): 71,712,867.
Annual population growth rate (2008 est.): 3.24%.
Ethnic groups: Approximately 250 African ethnic groups; the Luba, Kongo, and Anamongo are some of the larger groups.
Religions: Christian 70% (Catholic 50%, Protestant 20%); Kimbanguist 10%; other sects and traditional beliefs 10%; Muslim 10%.
Languages: French, Lingala, Kiswahili, Kikongo, Tshiluba.
Education: Literacy (2008 est.)--French or local language: 55% (women), 76% (men). Enrollment (2010 est.)--primary 91%, secondary 36.5%, higher education 4.6%.
Health (2007 est.): Infant mortality rate--92/1,000 live births. Life expectancy (2008 est.)--51.3 years.
Type: Republic; highly centralized with executive power vested in the president.
Independence: June 30, 1960 (from Belgium).
Constitution: The D.R.C. has had numerous constitutions, constitutional amendments, and transitional constitutions since independence. The currently operative constitution was approved by 84% of voters in a December 2005 referendum and officially promulgated in February 2006.
Branches: Executive--President (head of state) nominates the Prime Minister (head of government), who, together with his/her Cabinet, is approved by parliament. Legislative--Bicameral parliament consisting of a directly elected National Assembly and an indirectly elected Senate. Judicial---Supreme Court of Justice consisting of 26 justices. The nine-member Constitutional Court charged with resolving electoral and constitutional questions has yet to be appointed; the Supreme Court of Justice fulfills this role in the interim.
Administrative subdivisions: The 2006 constitution mandates the reapportionment of the D.R.C.’s current 11 provinces (including the capital city, Kinshasa) into 26 provinces, but implementation of this change has been delayed.
Political parties: 104 parties were elected to the National Assembly in 2011.
Suffrage: 18 years of age and universal.
GDP (2010): $15.3 billion.
Annual GDP growth rate (2011): 6.9%.
Per capita GDP (2011): $210.
Natural resources: Copper, cobalt, diamonds, gold, tantalum, other minerals; petroleum; wood; hydroelectric potential.
Agriculture: Cash crops--coffee, rubber, palm oil, cotton, cocoa, sugar, tea. Food crops--manioc, corn, legumes, plantains, peanuts. Land use--Agriculture 3%; pasture 7%; forest/woodland 77%; other 13%.
Industry: Types--processed and unprocessed minerals; consumer products, including textiles, plastics, footwear, cigarettes, metal products; processed foods and beverages, cement, timber.
Currency: Congolese franc (FC). The U.S. dollar is also used as legal tender.
Trade: Exports (2010 goods)--$8.5 billion. Products--diamonds, gold, cobalt, copper, coffee, petroleum, wood. Main partners--EU, Japan, South Africa, U.S., China. Imports (2010 goods)--$8.0 billion. Products--consumer goods (food, textiles), capital equipment, refined petroleum products. Partners--EU, China, South Africa, U.S.
Official debt (2010 est.): $3.9 billion.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo (D.R.C.) includes the greater part of the Congo River basin, which covers an area of almost one million square kilometers (400,000 sq. mi.). The country's only outlet to the Atlantic Ocean is a narrow strip of land on the north bank of the Congo River.
The vast, low-lying central area is a basin-shaped plateau sloping toward the west and covered by tropical rainforest. This area is surrounded by mountainous terraces in the west, plateaus merging into savannas in the south and southwest, and dense grasslands extending beyond the Congo River in the north. High mountains are found in the extreme eastern region.
The D.R.C. lies on the Equator, with one-third of the country to the north and two-thirds to the south. The climate is hot and humid in the river basin and cool and dry in the southern highlands. South of the Equator, the rainy season lasts from October to May and north of the Equator, from April to November. Along the Equator, rainfall is fairly regular throughout the year. During the wet season, thunderstorms often are violent but seldom last more than a few hours. The average annual rainfall for the entire country is about 107 centimeters (42 in.).
The population of the D.R.C. was estimated at 71 million in 2011. As many as 250 Sudanese, Nilotic, and Bantu ethnic groups have been distinguished and named; small groups of aboriginal Pygmies are found throughout the central Congo Basin. Some of the larger groups are the Kongo, Luba, Tetela, and Anamongo. Although some 700 local languages and dialects are spoken, the linguistic variety is bridged both by the use of French and by the national languages of Kikongo, Tshiluba, Kiswahili, and Lingala.
About 70% of the Congolese population is Christian, predominantly Roman Catholic. Most of the non-Christians adhere to either traditional religions or syncretic sects. Traditional religions include concepts such as monotheism, animism, vitalism, spirit and ancestor worship, witchcraft and sorcery, and vary widely among ethnic groups; none is formalized. The syncretic sects often merge Christianity with traditional beliefs and rituals. The most popular of these sects, Kimbanguism, was seen as a threat to the colonial regime and was banned by the Belgians. Kimbanguism, officially "the Church of Christ on Earth by the Prophet Simon Kimbangu," now claims about 3 million members, primarily among the Bakongo tribe in the provinces of Bas-Congo and Kinshasa. In 1969, it became the first independent African church admitted to the World Council of Churches.
Before independence in 1960, education was largely in the hands of religious groups. The primary school system was well developed at independence; however, the secondary school system was limited, and higher education was almost nonexistent in most regions of the country. The principal objective of this system was to train low-level administrators and clerks. Since independence, efforts have been made to increase access to education, and secondary and higher education have been made available to many more Congolese. According to 2010 estimates, gross enrollment rates were 90.76% for primary education, 36.5% for secondary education and 4.6% for higher education. At all levels of education, males greatly outnumber females. The largest state-run universities are the University of Kinshasa, the University of Lubumbashi, and the University of Kisangani. The elite continue to send their children abroad to be educated, primarily in Western Europe.
The area known as the Democratic Republic of the Congo was populated as early as 10,000 years ago and settled in the 7th and 8th centuries A.D. by Bantus from present-day Nigeria. Portuguese navigator Diego Cao was the first European known to have visited the area (in 1482), and English journalist Henry Morton Stanley later explored much of the region in the mid to late 19th century. The area was officially colonized in 1885 as a personal possession of Belgian King Leopold II as the Congo Free State. In 1907, administration shifted to the Belgian Government, which renamed the country the Belgian Congo. Following a series of riots and unrest, the Belgian Congo gained its independence on June 30, 1960. Parliamentary elections in 1960 produced Patrice Lumumba as prime minister and Joseph Kasavubu as president of the renamed Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The Mobutu Era
Within the first year of independence, several events destabilized the country: the army mutinied; the governor of Katanga Province attempted secession; a UN peacekeeping force was called in to restore order; Prime Minister Lumumba died under mysterious circumstances; and Col. Joseph Desire Mobutu (later Mobutu Sese Seko) took over the government and ceded it again to President Kasavubu.
Unrest and rebellion plagued the government until 1965, when Mobutu, by then a lieutenant general and commander-in-chief of the national army, again seized control of the country and declared himself president for 5 years. Mobutu quickly centralized power through the domination of his Popular Revolution Movement (MPR) party and was elected unopposed as president in 1970.
Embarking on a campaign of cultural awareness, in 1971, Mobutu renamed the country the Republic of Zaire and required citizens to adopt African names. Relative peace and stability prevailed until 1977 and 1978 when Katangese rebels, staged in Angola, launched a series of invasions into the Katanga region. The rebels were driven out with the aid of Belgian, Moroccan, and French paratroopers.
During the 1980s, Mobutu continued to enforce his one-party system of rule. Although Mobutu successfully maintained control during this period, opposition parties, most notably the Democracy and Social Progress Union (UDPS), were active. Mobutu's attempts to quell these groups drew significant international criticism.
As the Cold War came to a close, internal and external pressures on Mobutu increased. In late 1989 and early 1990, Mobutu was weakened by a series of domestic protests, heightened international criticism of his regime's human rights practices, and a faltering economy. In April 1990, Mobutu agreed to the principle of a multi-party system with elections and a constitution. As details of a reform package were delayed, soldiers in September 1991 began looting Kinshasa to protest their unpaid wages. Two thousand French and Belgian troops, some of whom were flown in on U.S. Air Force planes, arrived to evacuate the 20,000 endangered foreign nationals in Kinshasa. Soldiers went on a similar rampage in January 1993.
In 1992, after previous similar attempts, the long-promised Sovereign National Conference was staged, encompassing more than 2,000 representatives from various political parties. The conference gave itself a legislative mandate and elected Archbishop Laurent Monsengwo as its chairman, along with Etienne Tshisekedi, leader of the UDPS, as prime minister. Mobutu’s opposition to the Sovereign National Conference led to the Limete Catholic Massacre on February 16, 1992, in which Mobutu’s personal guards gunned down as many as 250 parishioners on their way to church. By the end of the year Mobutu had created a rival government with its own prime minister. The ensuing stalemate produced a compromise merger of the two governments into the High Council of the Republic-Parliament of Transition (HCR-PT) in 1994, with Mobutu as head of state and Leon Kengo Wa Dondo as prime minister. Although presidential and legislative elections were scheduled repeatedly over the next 2 years, they never took place.
Beginning in late 1994, the war and genocide in neighboring Rwanda spilled over to Zaire. Rwandan Hutu militia forces (Interahamwe), who fled Rwanda following the ascension of a Tutsi-led government, used Hutu refugee camps in eastern Zaire as bases for incursions against Rwanda.
In October 1996, Rwandan troops (RPA) entered Zaire, simultaneously with the formation of an armed coalition led by Laurent-Desire Kabila known as the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (AFDL). With the goal of forcibly ousting Mobutu, the AFDL, supported by Rwanda and Uganda, began a military campaign toward Kinshasa. Following failed peace talks between Mobutu and Kabila in May 1997, Mobutu left the country.
From Dictatorship to Disintegration
Laurent-Desire Kabila marched into Kinshasa on May 17, 1997, and declared himself president. He consolidated power around himself and the AFDL and renamed the country the Democratic Republic of the Congo (D.R.C.). Kabila's Army Chief and the Secretary General of the AFDL were Rwandan, and RPA units continued to operate tangentially with the D.R.C.'s military, which was renamed the Congolese Armed Forces(FAC).
Over the next year, relations between Kabila and his foreign backers deteriorated. In July 1998, Kabila ordered all foreign troops to leave the D.R.C. Most refused to leave. On August 2, nationwide fighting erupted as Rwandan troops in the D.R.C. "mutinied," and fresh Rwandan and Ugandan troops entered the country. Two days later, Rwandan troops flew to Bas-Congo, with the intention of marching on Kinshasa, ousting Kabila, and replacing him with the newly formed Rwandan-backed rebel group called the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD). The Rwandan campaign was thwarted at the last minute when Angolan, Zimbabwean, and Namibian troops intervened on behalf of the D.R.C. Government. The Rwandans and the RCD withdrew to eastern D.R.C., where they established de facto control over portions of eastern D.R.C. and continued to fight the Congolese army and its foreign allies.
In February 1999, Uganda backed the formation of a rebel group called the Congo Liberation Movement (MLC), which drew support from among ex-Mobutuists and ex-Zairian soldiers in Equateur Province (Mobutu's home province). Together, Uganda and the MLC established control over the northern third of the D.R.C.
At this stage, the D.R.C. was divided de facto into three segments--one controlled by Laurent Kabila, one controlled by Rwanda, and one controlled by Uganda--and the parties had reached military deadlock. In July 1999, a cease-fire was proposed in Lusaka, Zambia, which all parties signed by the end of August. The Lusaka Accord called for a cease-fire, the deployment of a UN peacekeeping operation, the withdrawal of foreign troops, and the launching of an "Inter-Congolese Dialogue" to form a transitional government leading to elections. The parties to the Lusaka Accord failed to fully implement its provisions in 1999 and 2000. Laurent Kabila drew increasing international criticism for blocking full deployment of UN troops, hindering progress toward an Inter-Congolese Dialogue, and suppressing internal political activity.
On January 16, 2001, Laurent Kabila was assassinated, allegedly by a member of his personal bodyguard corps who was in turn killed by an aide-de-camp. Kabila was succeeded by his son Joseph, who reversed many of his father's negative policies. Over the next year, the UN peacekeeping mission in the D.R.C. (United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, known by its French acronym MONUC) deployed throughout the country, and the Inter-Congolese Dialogue proceeded. By the end of 2002, all Angolan, Namibian, and Zimbabwean troops had withdrawn from the D.R.C. Following D.R.C.-Rwanda talks in South Africa that culminated in the Pretoria Accord in July 2002, Rwandan troops officially withdrew from the D.R.C. in October 2002. However, there were continued, unconfirmed reports that Rwandan soldiers and military advisers remained integrated with the forces of an RCD splinter group (RCD/G) in eastern D.R.C. Ugandan troops officially withdrew from the D.R.C. in May 2003.
National Dialogue, Transitional Government, and Nascent Democracy
In October 2001, the Inter-Congolese Dialogue began in Addis Ababa under the auspices of a facilitator, former Botswana president Ketumile Masire. The initial meetings made little progress and were adjourned. On February 25, 2002, the dialogue was reconvened in South Africa. It included representatives from the government, rebel groups, political opposition, civil society, and Mai-Mai groups (Congolese local defense militias). The talks ended inconclusively on April 19, 2002, when the government and the MLC brokered an agreement that was signed by the majority of delegates at the dialogue but left out the RCD/G and opposition UDPS party, among others.
This partial agreement was never implemented, and negotiations resumed in South Africa in October 2002. This time, the talks led to an all-inclusive agreement, which was signed by delegates in Pretoria on December 17, 2002, and formally ratified by all parties on April 2, 2003. That same day, a transitional constitution was adopted.
Following nominations by each of the various signatory groups, President Joseph Kabila on June 30, 2003, issued a decree that formally announced the transitional government lineup. Four vice presidents (each representing a specific party, faction, or region) took their oaths of office on July 17, 2003, and most incoming ministers assumed their new functions within days thereafter.
During the transitional government period, President Joseph Kabila made significant progress in liberalizing domestic political activity and undertaking economic reforms in cooperation with the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF). However, serious human rights problems remained in the security services and justice system.
GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS
In December 2005, roughly two-thirds of eligible Congolese voters participated in a referendum that resulted in approval of a new constitution. This constitution entered into force in February 2006. Extensive executive, legislative, and military powers are vested in the president. The president is head of a cabinet of ministers. In consultation with the Supreme Judicial Council (CSM), the president has the power to dismiss and appoint judges. The judiciary is only nominally independent. The legislature does not have the power to overturn the government through a vote of no confidence. Like the president, National Assembly deputies serve 5-year terms. Unlike the president, they are not term-limited. National Assembly winners in multiple-seat districts (approximately two-thirds of the total districts) are determined based on a complex formula involving the percentages of overall votes cast for a given party and proportional representation using open party lists.
On November 28, 2011, the D.R.C. held only its second multi-party election in more than 45 years. Almost 19 million registered voters cast ballots for president (from among 11 candidates) and National Assembly deputies (from almost 19,000 candidates vying for 500 seats). Voter turnout was almost 60%. Significant technical and logistical difficulties as well as isolated incidents of violence and intimidation marred the elections and the tabulation process. Domestic and international observers judged that these technical and logistical problems and the lack of transparency in the tabulation process contributed to serious flaws in the presidential and legislative election process. Nevertheless, the elections were largely calm and orderly. According to the D.R.C.’s Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI), incumbent President Kabila won with 48.95% of the vote, compared to 32.33% for Etienne Tshisekedi, his nearest challenger. The new National Assembly convened for the first time in February 2012. As of mid-March 2012, a new government had yet to be formed, and the cabinet was functioning on an interim basis.
President Joseph Kabila ran in 2011 as an independent, but the party of his principal supporters is the People’s Party for Reconstruction and Development (PPRD). The Presidential Majority (MP) is a large coalition spearheaded by the PPRD and its satellite parties that supports President Kabila. The largest opposition party is the Democracy and Social Progress Union (UDPS), led by Etienne Tshisekedi. The Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC) is the second-largest opposition party represented in the National Assembly. Its leader, Jean-Pierre Bemba, is currently on trial at the International Criminal Court in The Hague following his May 2008 arrest by Belgian authorities. The Congolese National Union (UNC) party was formed in 2010 by former PPRD member Vital Kamerhe, who was nominated as its presidential candidate in 2011. The 2011 legislative elections resulted in 104 parties being elected to the National Assembly. The largest single parties besides the PPRD, UDPS, and MLC are the Social Movement for Renewal (MSR), People’s Party for Peace and Democracy (PPPD), Unified Lumumbist Party (PALU), UNC, and the Congolese Rebirth Alliance (ARC). The former rebel group National Congress for the People’s Defense (CNDP) failed to garner any seats in the 2011 elections, although it received official status as a political party in May 2009.
Provincial assemblies that were elected on January 16, 2007, indirectly elected 108 members of the Senate and provincial governors later that month. Provincial assembly elections originally scheduled for March 2012 were delayed due to the irregularities of the November 2011 polls. Local elections have been tentatively scheduled for late 2012 and early 2013, but are likely to be delayed as well.
Principal Government Officials
President--Joseph KABILA Kabange
Prime Minister--Augustin MATATA Ponyo
Foreign Minister (interim)--Alexis THAMBWE Mwamba
Defense Minister (interim)--Luzolo BAMBI Sessa
Minister of International and Regional Cooperation (interim)--Raymond TSHIBANDA Ntunga Mulongo
United Nations Operations
After operating in the D.R.C. as the United Nations Organization Mission (MONUC) for 10 years, the UN, at the Congolese Government’s insistence, altered its mission as of July 1, 2010, renaming it the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO). Established under UN Security Council Resolution 1925, MONUSCO differs from MONUC in its enhanced cooperative relationship with the D.R.C. Government, its coordinated, regional approach to counter threats posed by armed groups in the country, and its stated logistical role in assisting the D.R.C. in its electoral activities, all designed to stabilize what MONUC’s peacekeeping operations had accomplished. MONUSCO played a key role in providing logistical and technical support to the D.R.C.’s government in the November 2011 presidential and National Assembly elections. On June 30, 2010, MONUSCO was inaugurated on the 50th anniversary of the D.R.C.’s independence from Belgium with a largely symbolic drawdown of some 1,500 troops from MONUC’s forces.
The Kabila administration identified five areas requiring particular attention: education, health, infrastructure, water/electricity, and job creation. These five areas are known as the five pillars or “cinq chantiers” in French. The government has made limited progress in these areas, however, due in large part to continuing insecurity and intermittent returns to armed conflict in several eastern provinces, particularly North and South Kivu and the Ituri, Bas-Uele, and Haut-Uele Districts of Orientale Province. A number of illegal Congolese and foreign militias have operated largely with impunity in these areas since before the overthrow of Mobutu in early 1997. Their relative strength and influence have waxed and waned over time, but two are of particular importance to the current situation: the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), led by individuals involved in perpetrating the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, and the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), a Congolese group, which ostensibly agreed to integrate into the Armed Forces of the D.R.C. (FARDC). These groups--the first predominantly Hutu, the second predominantly Tutsi--have fought each other and the FARDC, illegally exploited and exported D.R.C. natural resources to fund their weapons, and committed gross human rights violations (including indiscriminate killings and sexual and gender-based violence--including mass rapes, mutilations, and forced child soldier recruitment) in the areas under their control.
On January 23, 2008, the Government of the D.R.C. and over 20 Congolese armed groups (including the CNDP) signed a peace accord in Goma, North Kivu Province, under which they agreed on the need for an immediate cessation of hostilities, the disengagement of troops, improved adherence to human rights standards, and the creation of UN buffer zones between and among the various factions. Between January and August 2008, most of the parties worked to implement the Goma Accords’ provisions, albeit with regular cease-fire violations. In late August 2008, intense fighting began again between the CNDP and the FARDC in the southern part of North Kivu Province, also called the “Petit Nord.” Over the next 4 months, this fighting resulted in the internal displacement of a quarter million residents of North Kivu and led some 40,000 to flee into Uganda. Hundreds of people were killed, and by late October 2008, Laurent Nkunda’s CNDP forces--much stronger and better disciplined than the Congolese military--got to within a few miles of Goma before declaring a unilateral cease-fire. During this period, the United States, European Union, and United Nations all worked to develop plans for a lasting peace, and seek adherence to past agreements, but progress was slow.
By January 2009, a dramatic series of events significantly altered the political-military landscape in the Petit Nord. Infighting within the CNDP leadership led to a schism in which Nkunda’s military chief of staff staged a de facto internal coup and then signed an agreement with the D.R.C. Government to integrate his forces into the FARDC. A smaller but also dangerous militia group, PARECO, made a similar commitment. Meanwhile, the governments of the D.R.C. and Rwanda, which had been engaged in the gradual pursuit of rapprochement over several months, announced plans for Rwandan forces to enter the D.R.C. and join with the Congolese military in a concerted effort to eliminate the FDLR once and for all. On January 20, 2009, several thousand Rwandan soldiers crossed into the D.R.C. for the third time in 12 years, but this time at the invitation of the Congolese Government in Kinshasa. Two days later, Laurent Nkunda fled into Rwanda, where Rwandan officials took him into custody. He remains in custody, pending the resolution of Rwandan court proceedings. Between January 20 and the end of February 2009, the joint Rwandan-Congolese-CNDP-PARECO coalition of forces pressured the FDLR, engaged in a small number of battles with FDLR units, and convinced several hundred FDLR members and their families to return voluntarily to Rwanda. On February 25, 2009, the Rwandan forces left the D.R.C.
On March 23, 2009, the Government of the D.R.C. signed separate peace agreements with the CNDP, the North Kivu armed groups, and the South Kivu armed groups. The rebel groups agreed to transform their movements from military to political entities, while the government promised to work toward integrating rebel soldiers and officials into the FARDC, national police, and national and local political and administrative units. Many details of the agreements still require implementation, but the CNDP has already been registered as a political party, and various other rebel groups have declared their intention to establish political parties. The FARDC, with support from MONUC, offered ex-combatants the opportunity to undergo “accelerated integration” into the national army, a process that was less thorough than traditional integration but allowed for more expeditious demobilization of rebel forces. As part of the peace agreements, parliament passed and the president signed an amnesty law that pardoned people for crimes committed in the eastern D.R.C. during the fighting, other than crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. Late 2010 and early 2011 saw an increasing number of Mai Mai and other rebel groups similarly opt for negotiated surrender that includes FARDC integration.
The FARDC, with MONUC support, launched Operation Kimia II, a military operation against the FDLR in North and South Kivu in May 2009 and July 2009, respectively. Kimia II, which ended on December 31, 2009, registered some noticeable success, including pushing the bulk of the FDLR away from population centers and money-making enterprises, notably illegal mining. In addition, according to MONUC, in 2009 (roughly the same time period as Kimia II), 1,114 FDLR members were killed, and 1,522 FDLR combatants and 2,187 of their dependents were repatriated to Rwanda. However, human rights violations by the FDLR and by undisciplined FARDC elements increased during Kimia II operations. MONUC estimated that as many as 1,714 civilians were killed during the military operation. A follow-on operation, Amani Leo, was launched by the FARDC and MONUC in January 2010. Amani Leo has been more selective in its targets, as well as concentrating on holding re-captured territory and developing state institutions and authority in these areas. In July 2010, Amani Leo operations successfully targeted the camps of Allied Democratic Forces-National Army for the Liberation of Uganda (ADF-NALU), a Ugandan rebel group, which was operating along the Ugandan border in the northern Beni District of North Kivu. However, since early 2011, ADF/NALU has regained strength and continues to instigate insecurity in North Kivu. It is considered by both D.R.C. and Uganda as a threat to civilians. Nevertheless, the continued proliferation of newly-formed, loosely-organized, and less politically motivated local militia groups (Mai Mai) remains a menace to the fragile situation in North and South Kivu. Curbing random acts of violence targeting civilians, particularly those living in the remote, largely inaccessible, and densely forested regions of the provinces, perpetrated by both FDLR remnants and assorted Mai Mai groups continues to be a challenge for FARDC and MONUSCO.
Beginning in late 2010, the defection or capture of significant FDLR commanders, coupled with the arrests in France and Germany of key FDLR political leaders, dealt the organization a decisive blow. While a number of FDLR stalwarts have increased the scale and intensity of their attacks, many of the rank and file have surrendered to MONUSCO and have offered to be demoblilized or integrated into the FARDC. According to MONUSCO, systematic D.R.C. Government and MONUSCO military operations have reduced the FDLR’s number by half and weakened them. However, FDLR remains a real threat.
The northeastern D.R.C. has also been the scene of fighting as the FARDC has engaged a Ugandan rebel group, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), that operates in the D.R.C. Since 1987, the LRA, led by Joseph Kony, has waged an on-again, off-again insurgency against the Ugandan Government from bases in southern Sudan and, since 2005, in the D.R.C. The group is infamous for its brutal attacks on local populations, including looting, rapes, mutilations, and killings. It abducts young boys to serve as child soldiers and girls as sex slaves and porters. In late 2008, after failed peace talks and in the face of continuing attacks, regional leaders launched new military operations against the LRA. Unfortunately, the LRA managed to escape the initial assaults on its camps in Garamba National Park in the D.R.C. Over the following months, at Joseph Kony’s direction, the LRA committed a series of new large-scale massacres, including the brutal “Christmas Massacres” in northern D.R.C. Since that time, the Uganda People’s Defense Force (UPDF), FARDC, and other militaries in the region have continued to pursue the LRA and to expand protection to the local populations. Despite tremendous challenges, the UPDF’s sustained efforts have yielded some success in reducing the LRA’s numbers and keeping them from regrouping. However, the LRA’s top leaders have continued to evade capture and the group has continued to cast a dark shadow across a broad swath of central Africa. According to the UN, the LRA was reportedly responsible for over 200 attacks in the D.R.C. in 2011 alone, and over 365,000 Congolese were displaced or living as a refugees during 2011 as a result of the LRA threat. The D.R.C. Government has said that it remains committed to combating the LRA threat and working with regional partners. The Congolese military is working with MONUSCO to carry out joint operations in LRA-affected areas.
Fighting erupted in the western province of Equateur in late October to early November 2009 between two rival clans over a long-standing fishing dispute. Combatants from the Enyele clan killed approximately 45 police officers who had been sent to the region to restore order. The government responded by deploying a special, Belgian-trained brigade to the area, and MONUC shifted some of its resources to Equateur to assist. Over 120,000 Congolese fled into the neighboring Republic of the Congo and approximately 20,000 into the Central African Republic. There are over 30,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the region. Humanitarian assistance to IDPs remains difficult because of geographical obstacles and fears of renewed fighting. On April 4, 2010, a group of Enyele rebels attacked the provincial capital of Mbandaka, killing at least 16 people, after hijacking a riverboat. They held the airport for some 24 hours before the arrival of MONUC soldiers. There were reports of FARDC reprisals and extrajudicial killings in the days that followed. The ensuing violence caused further refugee movement across the Ubangi River into Republic of the Congo. In June 2010, Enyele leader Udjani Mangbama was captured and arrested by Republic of the Congo authorities and, to date, remains in the D.R.C. Following Udjani’s arrest, the fighting has largely abated and the government security forces appear to have restored a modicum of security to the impoverished Equateur region. The two rival clans, Enyele and Monzaya, have recently reconciled.
Internal conflict in the eastern provinces of North and South Kivu, as well as in the LRA-affected areas in the Haut- Uele and Bas-Uele Districts of Orientale Province has an extremely negative effect on security and human rights. Armed groups continue to commit numerous, serious abuses with impunity--some of which may constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity--including unlawful killings, disappearances, mass rape, and torture. They also recruit and retain child soldiers and compel forced labor. Mass rapes are becoming a common method of intimidation and revenge in eastern Congo, with members of both the national army and armed rebel groups perpetrating the violence.
Members of illegal armed groups, the FARDC, and the police were responsible for 81% of all reported cases of sexual violence in conflict zones and 24% in non-conflict areas. While many of the armed rapes occur in the east, sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) is pervasive throughout the D.R.C. The lack of gender equality puts women and girls at a disadvantage both economically and socially. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) reported 12,838 cases of sexual violence for both adults and children in North and South Kivu and Province Orientale in 2009, with a total of 17,507 cases across the entire area. An estimated 50% of rape victims do not have access to medical treatment and less than 2% of the cases are brought to court. The 2006 sexual violence law is effective in principle, and while there are generally few instances of prosecution, there have been several high-profile cases in Fizi and Kalehe where FARDC troops have been arrested, tried, and sentenced for rape. Although a general is currently on trial for rape, impunity is still a significant factor in the lack of prosecutions, particularly for high-ranking military officials.
Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) and Refugees
As of November 2011, there were an estimated 1.54 million IDPs in the D.R.C. The majority (approx. 1.11 million) are in North and South Kivu. The overwhelming majority of these IDPs resulted directly or indirectly from armed conflict in the region. Additional IDPs are present in Orientale Province, Equateur Province, and northern Katanga. According to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), there are 419,618 Congolese refugees hosted in the D.R.C.’s nine neighboring countries and in other areas. There are 124,244 refugees in the Republic of the Congo as a result of interethnic conflict in November 2009 in Equateur. The D.R.C. is currently host to an estimated 153,180 refugees from the nine neighboring countries and other countries as well.
Sparsely populated in relation to its area, the Democratic Republic of the Congo is home to vast natural resources and mineral wealth. Nevertheless, the D.R.C. is one of the poorest countries in the world, with per capita annual income of about U.S. $210 in 2011. This is the result of years of mismanagement, corruption, and war.
For decades, corruption and misguided policy have fostered a clandestine economy in the D.R.C. Individuals and businesses in the formal sector operated with high costs under arbitrarily enforced laws. As a consequence, the informal sector now dominates the economy. In order to combat corruption, in September 2009, President Kabila launched a “zero-tolerance” campaign. Within this framework, he established the D.R.C. Financial Intelligence Unit to combat money laundering and misappropriation of public funds. Nevertheless, very weak law enforcement and judicial systems are serious obstacles to progress in combating corruptions.
Agriculture is the largest contributor to Congolese gross domestic product (54% in 2010). Manufacturing accounted for just 6.7% of GDP in 2010, while services accounted for 34%. The main cash crops include coffee, palm oil, rubber, cotton, sugar, tea, and cocoa. Food crops include cassava, plantains, maize, groundnuts, and rice. However, commercial agricultural production or processing remains limited, with many producers engaged in subsistence food production.
The mining sector dominates the D.R.C.'s formal economy and is expanding (12% of GDP in 2010). Minerals account for the vast majority of the D.R.C.’s exports and represent the single largest source of foreign direct investment (FDI). Copper, cobalt, gold, coltan, tin, and zinc are the most important metals mined and produced in the D.R.C. State-owned mining company Gecamines is the largest actor in the copper and cobalt sectors. Gecamines’ independent production capacity collapsed due to corruption, civil unrest, world market trends, and failure to reinvest profits toward routine maintenance and innovation. Gecamines is now most often a state partner in public-private mining partnerships with foreign companies. The diamond sector currently accounts for about 10% of the D.R.C.'s export revenue. This is from both gem and industrial-grade diamond sales that were around $875 million in 2008 and were projected to approach an estimated $1 billion in 2009. Production by the D.R.C. parastatal, MIBA, has significantly declined from past decades; MIBA ceased operations in 2009 and 2010 due to technical and financial difficulties. While its current production is minimal, MIBA is working to restructure its operations and administration and seeking financing to resume operations. Nearly all current diamond production in the D.R.C. is artisanal and takes place in the two Kasai provinces.
In recent years, the Congolese Government has updated and approved several new laws including the investment code, the mining code, the agricultural law, the public finance law, and the procurement code. It has also designed a new commercial court. The goal of these initiatives was to attract investment by promising fair and transparent treatment to private business. The D.R.C. Government recently established an inter-ministerial committee called the “Steering Committee for Investment and Business Climate Improvement” to support reforms that would improve the business climate. In December 2009, the Congolese parliament approved a law authorizing the D.R.C.’s accession to the Organization for the Harmonization of Business Law in Africa (OHADA), and President Kabila promulgated this law in February 2010. The Government of the D.R.C. officially launched the National OHADA Commission in April 2010. However, as of January 2012 the D.R.C. had not yet signed and deposited the instrument of OHADA accession.
Other measures undertaken by the Government of the D.R.C. to improve the business and investment climate include President Kabila’s promulgation of a new customs code and implementation of a value-added tax (VAT) in January 2012. The new customs code took effect on February 20, 2011. In 2007, shortly after the Joseph Kabila administration took office, the government launched a wholesale review of mining contracts that had been entered into from 1997-2002. In theory, the purpose of this contract review was to determine which negotiations may have been colored by corruption and revisit/renegotiate their terms as needed. In practice, this process itself was opaque and plagued with numerous delays, with little information provided by the government to foreign (including American) investors. The Government of the D.R.C. reached agreement in December 2008 with the vast majority of the companies under review and formally announced the completion of the process in November 2009. In October 2010, the Government of the D.R.C. reached agreement with the final remaining company, a U.S. investor.
Effects of the World Financial Crisis
Due to the drop in global demand for commodities in 2008-2009, the D.R.C. faced a serious fiscal and monetary crisis, with international reserves near zero and the exchange rate rapidly deteriorating. The international community responded quickly to the D.R.C.’s deteriorating economic situation by providing emergency financial assistance, including from the IMF (U.S. $200 million), the World Bank (U.S. $100 million), and the African Development Bank (U.S. $97 million). The European Union and Belgium also provided emergency assistance. This assistance helped stabilize the economy and ensure the continuation of basic services. With the support of international emergency assistance and improved prices for key export commodities, the D.R.C.’s macroeconomic situation stabilized and the economy recovered significantly. GDP growth for 2010 was 6.1% and 6.9% in 2011. The value of goods and services exports amounted to 57.5% of GDP in 2010.
Economic and Structural Reforms
The Government of the D.R.C. continues to build on economic reforms initiated in 2001 aimed at stabilizing the macroeconomic situation and promoting economic growth. Reforms included liberalization of petroleum prices and exchange rates and adoption of disciplined fiscal and monetary policies. These policies have been successful in reducing inflation and supporting the resumption and acceleration of economic growth since 2002. The D.R.C.’s economy grew by 5.6% in 2006, 6.32% in 2007, and 6.15% in 2008. Inflation was reduced from over 501% in 2001 to approximately 15% in 2011.
The D.R.C.’s development framework includes implementation of the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP), approved in mid-2006 by the IMF and World Bank boards, and the government's 5-year program, approved by the National Assembly in February 2007. The 5-year program, known as the five pillars or “cinq chantiers” in French, is based on the PRSP and focuses heavily on President Kabila's five priority areas: infrastructure; employment; education; water/electricity; and health. Many donors had disengaged from the D.R.C. prior to 2002.
In early 2008, the Government of the D.R.C. concluded a U.S. $9.2 billion minerals-for-infrastructure agreement with the Chinese Government. Under pressure from international financial institutions and donors concerned about the potential negative effect of this deal on the D.R.C.’s debt burden, the Government of the D.R.C. and the Chinese amended the agreement in November 2009, reducing the overall value of the agreement by $3 billion among other changes. As a result, the IMF Board of Directors approved on December 11, 2009, a new, 3-year Extended Credit Facility (ECF) program. Paris Club creditors, including the United States, agreed in February 2010 to resume interim debt relief for the D.R.C. On July 1, 2010, the D.R.C. reached the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) completion point following a determination by the IMF and World Bank boards that the D.R.C. had successfully implemented the policy measures (“triggers”) under the program. Under HIPC, the IMF and World Bank forgave $12.3 billion on Congolese sovereign debt, which has greatly alleviated the D.R.C.’s official debt burden and provided resources for development and poverty-reduction efforts.
Natural Resource Exploitation
In June 2000, the United Nations established a Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Congolese Resources to examine links between the wars and natural resource exploitation. Reports issued by the panel indicated that countries involved in the war in Congo developed significant economic interests in the D.R.C. that complicated Congolese Government efforts to control its resources and the mining sector. Although the original Panel of Experts was disbanded when its mandate ended in late 2003, a separate UN Group of Experts continued to look into these issues due to the apparent links between the illegal armed groups in the eastern part of the D.R.C. and natural resource exploitation. The Group of Experts published a report in December 2008 that documented how armed groups in eastern D.R.C. finance their activities through the exploitation of natural resources and provided evidence of the collaboration and support of Rwandan authorities and the Government of the D.R.C. in supporting such groups. In November 2011, the Group of Experts issued a new report, which stated that armed groups in eastern D.R.C. continue to engage in the illegal extraction of minerals to finance their activities. The report also documented that these armed rebel groups, in particular the FDLR, continue to engage in human rights abuses, including attacks against civilians.
In 2008, the D.R.C. became a candidate country for the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), a multi-stakeholder effort to increase transparency in transactions between governments and companies in the extractive industries. Though the Government of the D.R.C. took some positive steps under EITI, including establishment of a National EITI Committee, publication of the first report on EITI in the D.R.C., and the hiring of an independent auditor to carry out the validation of the EITI process, the D.R.C. did not meet its March 9, 2010 validation deadline. The EITI Secretariat granted the D.R.C. a 6-month extension (until September 9, 2010) to complete validation. The report was subsequently validated by the independent auditor, approved by the National EITI Committee and transmitted to the President of the International EITI Secretariat in Berlin, Germany on September 8, 2010. The validation of the first EITI report was hailed as an important step toward improving transparency and accountability in D.R.C.’s management of natural resources. On December 14, 2010, the EITI Board designated the D.R.C. as a candidate country that is “close to compliant” and gave the D.R.C. 6 months (until June 12, 2011) to complete the remaining steps in order to achieve “compliant” status. However, the D.R.C. did not meet its requirements and was given an 18-month extension until March 2013, by when it must become compliant or withdraw from EITI consideration.
A number of initiatives have been launched at the national, regional, and international level to promote greater control and transparency of the minerals trade in eastern D.R.C. The U.S. Financial Reform Act of 2010 contains provisions related to minerals sourced in the D.R.C. Specifically, these provisions require companies whose products contain certain minerals to disclose to U.S. regulators whether they are sourcing these materials from the D.R.C. or its neighbors. They must also document their due diligence to ensure that their sourcing arrangements are not benefiting armed groups.
The D.R.C.'s large size and strategic location in the center of Africa, as well as its vast mineral wealth, have made the country a key regional player since even before independence. The D.R.C.'s relations with its neighbors have often been driven by security concerns, leading to intricate, interlocking, and shifting alliances. The complexities and dangers of these relations were never clearer than in the 1997-2003 period described in the “From Dictatorship to Disintegration” section above. In addition, internal conflicts in Angola, Burundi, the Central African Republic, Congo-Brazzaville, Rwanda, Sudan, and Uganda have at various times created bilateral and regional tensions.
Over the past 8 years, the D.R.C. Government has signed agreements with its neighbors to improve the security of the D.R.C. and the wider region. In October 2004, with significant U.S. involvement and facilitation, the D.R.C. joined with Rwanda and Uganda in signing a Great Lakes regional security agreement that established a “Tripartite Commission” to address issues peacefully rather than militarily. (Burundi joined a year later and the expanded agreement is now known as “Tripartite Plus.”) In September 2007, the D.R.C. and Uganda signed the so-called “Ngurdoto Agreement” committing to strong bilateral efforts to eliminate all illegal armed groups operating in and between the two countries. In November 2007, with significant assistance from the UN, United States, and European Union, the D.R.C. reached a similar agreement with Rwanda. Known as the “Nairobi Communique,” this accord was designed to lay the groundwork for D.R.C.-Rwandan cooperation to disarm, demobilize, reintegrate and/or repatriate all foreign armed groups operating in the D.R.C., particularly the ex-FAR/Interahamwe (later the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, FDLR).
Following up on enhanced military cooperation with Rwanda and Uganda, the D.R.C. re-established full diplomatic relations with Rwanda, Burundi, and Uganda in 2009. President Kabila held bilateral talks with Rwandan President Kagame in January 2009, August 2009, and September 2010. The 2009 meetings were the first heads-of-state meetings between the D.R.C. and Rwanda in over 10 years. Relations with Angola had been tense, but a recent visit by President Kabila has eased tensions and given hopes of a lasting rapprochement. The D.R.C. also established diplomatic relations with its newest neighbor, the Republic of South Sudan, after the latter gained its independence on July 9, 2011.
U.S. CONGOLESE RELATIONS
U.S. relations with the D.R.C. are strong. The United States has pursued an active diplomatic strategy in the region and has supported internal reconciliation and democratization in the D.R.C., facilitating the Nairobi Communique, Goma Accords, and the Tripartite Plus mechanism, all described above.
The United States is proud to have played a role in the peace process in the D.R.C., and continues to encourage Congolese peace, prosperity, democracy, and respect for human rights. The U.S. Government provided $306 million in bilateral assistance to the D.R.C. in 2010 to support economic reform and transparency efforts. The United States is also the largest donor to the United Nations stabilization mission in the D.R.C. (MONUSCO), contributing almost one-third of MONUSCO’s $1 billion annual budget.
Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton visited the D.R.C. in August 2009, meeting with President Kabila and other senior officials, civil society representatives, and victims of the current conflicts. The Secretary reinforced the U.S. commitment to help the D.R.C. reduce sexual and gender-based violence and address corruption. AFRICOM Commander General Carter Ham visited the D.R.C. in August 2011 and met with senior defense officials, underscoring the U.S. commitment to assist the D.R.C. in establishing a long-term plan to successfully implement durable security sector reform.
The D.R.C. appointed its current ambassador to the United States in 2000. The State Department has consistently issued cautionary travel information about Zaire/D.R.C. since 1977.
Principal U.S. Officials
Ambassador--James F. Entwistle
Deputy Chief of Mission--Samuel C. Laeuchli
The U.S. Embassy is located at 310 Avenue des Aviateurs, Kinshasa (tel. 243-81-2255872; fax 243-81-3010561). Mailing address is American Embassy Kinshasa, Unit 2220, DPO AE 09828.