Speech by Assistant Secretary of State William J. BurnsToward a Positive Agenda for the Middle East I am honored to be here tonight. For more than half a century, the Middle East Institute has been an important gathering place for individuals with a broad variety of views, background and experiences to discuss their shared interests in the Middle East. Whatever may be happening in the region, the MEI's discussions are always respectful, and quite often illuminating. I hope to make a modest contribution to that tradition tonight. For many Americans, the horrific events of September 11 have hurtled them into the unknown. They are grasping for information about social,political and economic conditions in a region to which they had previously given little thought. There are some who argue that the terrorist attacks on America highlight the hopelessness of the modern Middle East. They see the region boiling with implacable hostility.They argue that the U.S. should pull back and let the societies of the region stew in their own anger. I think they are wrong. Given what we have at stake in the Middle East, we have no real alternative to trying to better understand the realities of the region, and to build partnerships with those who share a positive vision for its people. The events of September 11 make more urgent, but I want to be clear: This is not about the particular horror inflicted upon us that day. The Middle East has been in turmoil for much of this century. Over time, American involvement has become more intimate and intricate. Still, the reasons for turmoil are varied, many are connected to complex internal challenges, and only some have anything to do with U.S. policy. A Region In Turmoil I remain convinced that what we are seeing in the Middle East today is not a clash of civilizations, but a clash within societies struggling to define their political, social and even religious identities. Ordinary citizens are struggling to define themselves and their relationships with their countrymen, their governments, their region,and their religious community. Businessmen and laborers are struggling to define their economies in a changing marketplace. Governments are trying to understand their new roles as the idea of the nation-state undergoes revision. Scholars are struggling to understand the world around them, and all too often they find the intellectual climates at home hostile to experimentation and discovery. All of this takes place in a region that has embraced new ideologies,only to find them lacking. Arab nationalism, communism, state socialism, fascism, violent extremism in the name of religion, and other 20th Century "isms" have left the region dispirited,confused and tired. In the United States, our 225 year history has taught us to be optimistic about change. Many in the Middle East have learned from bitter experience that change there often brings uncertainty, dislocation and alienation while offering few rewards. Still, the desire for change among millions is clear. And the reasons are not hard to divine. Looking realistically at the Middle East, we see evidence of economic and social inequality that has grown in thel ast several decades rather than diminished. Political, economic and social systems are often intertwined, and they appear closed to outsiders. For those who are not already a part of the system, advancement sometimes appears hopeless. Corruption is becoming more and more of a corrosive force. These conditions can breed despair anda deep dissatisfaction with the status quo. Such an environment can give rise to those who wish to destroy this world and replace it with an imagined past that never existed. The level of desperation is sometimes such that mere description of the destruction they intend to wreak is enough to gain adherents. Those preaching vengeance have noconstructive vision, and no positive message. Their path provides no real answer and no real way forward. It can only lead to more misery. They lash out against a United States whom they see as the primary proponent and guarantor of the status quo that so many find unacceptable and that they wish to destroy. Rather than intimidate us into withdrawal, however, they should serve as a reminder to us that we cannot be content with the status quo, either. A Middle East mired in internal conflict serves neither the interest of the people of the region nor the people of the United States. I absolutely reject the notion that anger and despair in the Middle East offer an excuse for such calculated evil as we experienced September 11. But as we conduct an unrelenting international effort against terror and violent extremism, it is very important to remind ourselves of the wider conflict in the region -- between moderate andoften silent majorities who want simply to live in peace and dignity,and militant minorities who seek to exploit frustration and bitterness. Those extremist minorities offer a purely destructive agenda; our challenge, it seems to me, is to make common cause with moderate majorities and our allies in the region in pursuit of a positive vision of peace, prosperity and security. Pursuit of such a vision is a painstaking and complicated enterprise, rooted in the natural aspirations of people to improve their lot and create a better future for them and their children. It is about change achieved through hard work and common sense and basic fairness, no tthrough violence and political cataclysms. The people of the Middle East have had enough of that. Recognizing all the enormous difficulties in its path, we can still envision: -- a region where Arabs and Israelis can live together in security and dignity; -- a region where economic opportunity is expanded for all; -- a region where individuals can go to work, educate their children,and worship God peacefully; -- a region where young people can find meaningful roles and meaningful jobs; -- and a region where tolerance, openness, and people's participationin decisions affecting their daily lives all grow stronger, along with increasing respect for the rule of law. Framing a Positive Agenda There is nothing especially new about such a positive agenda, whose roots run much, much deeper than September 11. Since the end of theSecond World War, the United States has understood that a secure, prosperous and stable Middle East is an essential ingredient not only in defending vital American interests, but also the interests of the world economy. We have also understood that stability is not a static phenomenon. It requires economic and political development to inspire hope, and negotiated settlements of regional disputes, of which theArab-Israeli conflict has been and remains central. These same end sare also consistent with our deeply held values. What we need to do now, it seems to me, is not reinvent our policy, but renew our efforts energetically along a wide and complicated front. In the international campaign against terror, we have made very clear what we stand against. Now we must also remind people of what we stand for, especially in four essential areas: diplomacy, economics, politics and security. Diplomatically, the United States remains deeply committed to a just, comprehensive, negotiated peace between Arabs and Israelis. Using our influence to help the parties end the Israeli-Palestinian dispute and promote a comprehensive settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict is and must remain a centerpiece of American policy in the region. It must be done because ongoing confrontation and violence endangers our friends, provides opportunities for our adversaries, and perpetuates instability in the region. It must be done because Palestinians and Israelis have suffered for far too long. And it must be done because of our unshakeable friendship with Israel, whose security we are determined to preserve. The U.S. government approaches Arab-Israeli peacemaking with clear-eyed vision. As President Bush has indicated, that vision includes a Palestinian state achieved through negotiations, and assuring Israel's right to exist in peace within secure and recognized borders. To get back on course after the disastrous experience of the past year, a 100% effort against violence and terrorism will be required, followed by full implementation of the Mitchell Report as the bridge back to serious political negotiations -- and ultimately to a solution based on UNSC resolutions 242 and 338, land for peace, theMadrid principles and real security for all parties. But let me be absolutely clear about one thing: there can be no hop eof reviving a political process, let alone making progress toward a fair, long-term vision, without a maximum effort against violence and terrorism. There's no other way. Mutual respect must also be painstakingly rebuilt. That respect must include an end to incitement. Free speech is good, but hate speech -- whether officially sanctioned, acknowledged with a wink, or left without rebuttal -- is deeply destructive of the necessary fabric of trust between Arabs and Israelis. Rebuilding respect also means taking steps to restore economic hope for Palestinians, and refraining from unilateral actions, such as settlement activity, that undermine political hope for a fair solution. Economically, it is obvious that the Middle East faces mounting challenges. The region's share of world GDP, trade and foreign investment continues to shrink. Governments still play too large a role in regional economies. Rapidly growing labor forces without jobs are a prescription for frustration. Middle East populations are now growing faster than anywhere except sub-Saharan Africa, and will double between 2000 and 2025. Iran, to give only one example of a mongmany, is producing only half the number of jobs needed to meet demand.On top of all this, the region faces the lowest per capita water availability in the world. The region cannot be healthy socially or politically so long as its economies are in crisis. While we will not offer a single model, we owe it to our friends to advocate policies that enhance private sector involvement, diversify their economies, and steadily narrow the gap between haves and have-nots. Young people must emerge from educational systems with appropriate skills for the marketplace, not merely the skills that the educational systems are now best equipped to teach. Globalization should be viewed as an opportunity, not a threat. We need to make creative use of our assistance programs and other economic instruments to help those who help themselves, and who take difficult decisions to open up their economies and expand opportunities for all their citizens. Our recent bilateral free trade agreement with Jordan is one example of how we have acknowledged and supported economic reform, and we need to help create more such examples. Much more can be done to promote positive economic change in the region, and we want to help. Politically, the truth is that many political systems in the region do not function effectively as mechanisms for citizens to express and work out their discontents. Political structures all too often serve to insulate the regime and governing elite from change, rather than to lead it. The voices of publics are all too often ignored, until they raise them to a shout. While we ought be mindful of the limits of our influence and certainly of the imperfections of our own system, andthe delicacy of encouraging political change, we should work with ourfriends to support efforts to open up avenues for political participation and deepen respect for the rule of law, and the righ tsand sanctity of the individual. Every society can find ways to improve public participation and respect for basic freedoms, consistent with its own political culture and traditions. In terms of security, we and our friends in the region also face increasing challenges. The Iraqi regime's efforts to develop weaponsof mass destruction are a particular and continuing threat, especiallysince it has used such weapons in the past against its own people. And as we sharpen the international community's focus on that threat, wewill also continue to seek to move away from civilian sanctions andease the burden on the Iraqi people, whose suffering has been socynically manipulated by the Iraqi regime. Iran's pursuit of weapon sof mass destruction is another serious and continuing concern. In thestruggle against the terrorists who attacked us on September 11, andin the long-term battle against global terrorism, we will continue to need close security cooperation with our allies in the region. Conclusion What I have sketched over the last few minutes is just a very roughoutline of the positive agenda that we and moderate majorities in the Middle East share as a basis for common action. Many of the issues arenot new, but they are certainly persistent. We cannot make them goaway. What we must do, and what we will do, is engage them in an arecertainly persistent. integrated, determined and creative way. We willnot be diverted or deterred by terrorists; we will not be intimidated;we will not abandon our friends; and we will not abandon the Middle East. Indeed, we will redouble our efforts to strengthen our relationships with Israel and key Arab partners, such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia. We will seek to understand better, and to show respect and fairness. We must never forget to listen. We are an activist people, and an activist government. We have a good story to tell, and a long list of items to achieve. But to be partners, we must also be listeners. We have no monopoly on wisdom in the Middle East, and I have always thought that a little humility goes a long way in the exercise of American power and American leadership. We must make a special effort to reach out, not just to governments and leaders, but also to peoples, who are increasingly mobilized in the era of information revolution. Above all, we must pursue a positive vision in the Middle East, helping our friends to strengthen their societies in the face of violent extremists who threaten us all. We do not seek to destroy. We seek to build. The terrorists who attacked us all on September 11 have no constructive answers for the challenges that peoples in the Middle East face today. Together with our friends in the region, we can help produce such answers -- and we must.
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