Democracy, Security, and Human Rights: Colombia's Challenge

Thank you for that generous introduction, and for the opportunity to participate in this conference, which comes at a particularly significant point in U.S.-Colombian relations.

I am greatly appreciative to be with you here today in Cartagena, a city whose rich history and landmarks stand as embodiment of the resilience and vision of the people of Colombia. Indeed, the fortifications that mark the coastline of this historic city are a vivid reminder not only of its past--when foreign hostilities and incursions aimed to stifle its progress--but also of the tenacity and courage of the people of Colombia who today, in another age, now confront hostilities from within its own territory, from forces no less foreign in the context of today's world.

Today, that spirit of fortitude--of determination against terror, of perseverance in difficult times--stands firm again to ensure that the dream of lasting peace, prosperity, freedom and stability can be secured for all Colombians.

There is no better way to understand the profound commitment of the Colombian people to defending their democracy than to visit Colombia. I agree--and there is no greater honor for me than to be with you here today on behalf of my government.

The Houston Series
I am deeply grateful to have been invited to participate in this very important international forum--la Serie Houston--a conference that in the span of just a few short years has played a pivotal role, and gained prominence, by placing itself at the very center of efforts to foster debate and exchanges of views on how Colombia can best advance the cause of peace and stability; confront the deeply rooted problems that have posed significant challenges in the ongoing fight against terrorism; address the need for a national consensus among all sectors of Colombian society; and face the critical issues that lie ahead.

The steady and significant gains that Colombia has made in recent years, underscores the importance of this venue to address Colombia's democratic security policy, and why it is key that such forums continue as this policy unfolds. La Serie Houston's spirit of dialogue, reflection and analysis--with the robust participation of a broad cross section of civil society--is critical to fostering a common vision and renewed sense of purpose, and to exploring new ideas on how to address the many complex issues associated with advancing and preserving Colombian democracy.

Progress & Achievements
Today, while many challenges remain, we must recognize the many accomplishments that Colombians have achieved. The successes are a testament to what can be attained by working--laterally as well as multilaterally--to address the common threats facing the region and that affect us all.

Thanks to the perseverance and ingenuity of the Colombian people and the leadership of President Alvaro Uribe, you--who are an important hemispheric ally--are advancing toward prosperity and winning a decades-old struggle against narco-terrorism.

The successes are undeniable, and there is reason for great satisfaction and optimism about the future. President Uribe is committed to extending state presence throughout Colombia by strengthening institutions and trust in government. After nearly 2years under President Uribe's leadership, security in Colombia has improved measurably. In particular, comparing the last 2 years of the Uribe Administration (2002-2004) to the period 2000-2002:

• Murder rate reduced 17%
• Kidnappings reduced 33%
• Terrorist acts reduced 18%
• Attacks on energy infrastructure reduced over 40%
• 50% fewer new cases of internally displaced persons

The military is engaged in the country's largest ever offensive, in south-central Colombia, against FARC strongholds. The Government of Colombia is engaged in preliminary talks aimed toward a peace process with the ELN, facilitated by the Mexican Government. Colombia's terrorist groups are now on the defensive, and one of their three terrorist groups, the AUC, is partially demobilizing and at the negotiating table.

• Over 4,000 members of terrorist groups have voluntarily deserted since President Uribe took office.
• Nearly 7,000 narcoterrorists were captured in 2003 and another 3,000 were killed in battle.
• More than 40 key FARC leaders have been killed or captured since July 2003, dozens of paramilitary field commanders killed or captured during same period.

In August 2002, 158 of Colombia's 1,098 municipalities had no police presence, and these populations were often under almost total control of Colombia's terrorist groups. Since February 2004, for the first time ever, police units are in all 1,098 Colombian municipalities.

With USG assistance, the Colombian National Police (CNP) is training and equipping 62 Carabinero Mobile Squadrons, 16,500 police in all, for assignment throughout rural Colombia. In 2003, the Carabineros arrested 1,316 persons, captured 641 firearms, seized 11.6 metric tons of coca base and 17.4 metric tons of marihuana, as well as locating and eradicating illegal drug crops.

Today, the Colombian government is regaining control of its national territory and has re-established itself in regions that had previously been the preserve of bandits and lawlessness. And the Colombian people themselves have greater optimism and confidence in their country's future.

U.S. Policy
The United States has stood--and will continue to stand--with Colombia, helping it to turn the corner by providing vital resources and political support.

Continued U.S. engagement and support are essential to solidifying Colombia's hard-won gains. I am here to reassure you of my government's firm commitment and determination to continue to assist the Government of Colombia and the Colombian people.

U.S. assistance focuses on supporting Colombia's unified campaign against narcotics and terrorism. These programs provide training and equipment including vehicles, aircraft, and communications equipment. In the 2002 Supplemental Appropriations Act, the U.S. Congress also recognized the deep ties between terrorism and narco-trafficking, enacting new authorities that allowed counternarcotics training, equipment and intelligence support to be used for a unified campaign against narcotics trafficking and terrorism.

Since 2000, the United States has provided approximately $3.5 billion in assistance to Colombia. Our increased assistance began as part of our support for Plan Colombia programs, and President Uribe expanded and strengthened these programs with continued bipartisan U.S. support--as manifested in the U.S. Congress--through the Andean Counterdrug Initiative (ACI).

For the period 2000 through our 2005 request to Congress, approximately 70% of U.S. assistance provided through the Department of State has been for counternarcotics and security, while approximately 30% has been for social, economic and democratic development and the protection of human rights. As envisioned by the original presentation of Plan Colombia, the United States' contribution was to be weighted more strongly on the counternarcotics side while it was expected that other international donors would provide a proportionally greater amount for social and economic development.

The fiscal year 2004 Foreign Operations Appropriations Act provides $574.6 million for these programs. Of that, $150 million promotes the rule of law, social and economic progress and alternative development. Support to the Colombian military and national police is $424.6 million.

U.S. policy toward Colombia aims to support the Colombian Government's efforts to defend and strengthen its democratic institutions, promote respect for human rights and the rule of law, intensify counter-narcotics efforts, foster socio-economic development and investment, address immediate humanitarian needs, and end the threats to democracy and peace posed by narcotics trafficking and terrorism. And it is important to underscore that this policy reflects the continuing bipartisan support received from the U.S. Congress for our programs in Colombia.

President Bush is committed to maintaining this robust partnership. President Uribe is a key ally and friend in the war on drugs and terror, and we hope that our strong bilateral relationship with Colombia will continue to prosper. All who have met President Uribe and know the great progress he has made in the past 2years also recognize his invaluable leadership in this struggle. His strength of character, courage and vision provide the foundation for his administration's record of success.

His administration's achievements, and the U.S.-Colombian partnership, are a story of steady and resounding progress. The results of our joint fight against narco-traffickers is impressive: since 2002, Colombian-U.S. teams have sprayed close to 760,000 acres of coca, and coca cultivation has declined dramatically each year. Opium poppy cultivation declined by 10% in 2003, and we are always seeking ways to find that crop and eradicate it.

The Bush Administration firmly believes that a prosperous Colombia is the key to reducing drug trade significantly. Free trade will broaden opportunities for enterprising Colombians and sustain economic growth. American businesses invested $3.7 billion in Colombia in 2003, and trade between our two countries approached $10 billion last year. American economic engagement is particularly important because an increase in exports, if coupled with job growth for Colombians, will result in a decline in cocaine and opium production as well as the movement of drugs to our shores.

The U.S. recognizes, through two policies, that free trade, investment, economic growth and job creation must accompany our anti-drug partnership with Colombia. We have supported Colombia's economic recovery through Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations to strengthen our economic ties, and in 2002 renewing the Andean Trade Preferences Act (ATPA). The new Andean Trade Promotion and Drug Eradication Act (ATPDEA) has helped boost the Colombian economy. The U.S. market today receives 44% of all Colombian exports, and approximately 70% of these enter the U.S. tariff-free under the ATPDEA.

Colombia has been embroiled in civil strife for more than 50 years, and its people have suffered greatly. The root causes of this terrible conflict are deeply embedded in the country's past and are not easily resolved. However, Colombia's problems are by no means intractable. The United States must and will continue to provide support and resources to ensure that the destiny of the Colombian people is prosperous and democratic. And we believe this will happen, provided that Colombia continues to be governed democratically and under the standard of competent leadership set by your President.

Human Rights
Given your discussions of the day, I wanted to talk a bit more on the human rights situation in Colombia. Promoting the protection of human rights has always been, and will continue to be, central to our policy towards Colombia; and it is so now more than ever.

First and foremost, we believe that Colombia is making significant progress on human rights. President Uribe and the Government of Colombia deserve tremendous credit for the overall security improvements which have led to better daily life for ordinary Colombians--the most basic of human rights--and for their courage to reverse the decades-long assault on national institutions.

Furthermore, President Uribe has stated repeatedly that he will not tolerate collaboration between military personnel and paramilitary groups. Under his leadership, we note that arrests, combat operations, and intelligence activities by the Colombian Armed Forces against paramilitaries increased in 2003. However, the great challenge for Colombian authorities is to ensure that links between certain government entities and illegal armed groups are severed completely.

Clearly, more needs to be done. Human rights remain a significant challenge for the Uribe Administration. Human rights can and must improve. It is imperative, as Secretary of State Colin Powell stated recently, that progress in Colombia be achieved "consistent with acceptable human rights standards." We believe more needs to be done particularly with regard to the problem of impunity. Full accountability for perpetrators of human rights violations must remain front-and-center in order to ensure remedy for the victims, a fair and equitable justice system and, ultimately, reconciliation and stability.

In democracies, governments are accountable; and this includes their military. The Colombian military is facing a challenge that all militaries in democratic societies must meet, that of ensuring accountability for their actions. We understand this. The United States military has confronted this test in the past, and it is doing so now in certain parts of the world.

In this regard, it is imperative that the investigation by the Prosecutor General into the August 5 incident resulting in the killing of three union leaders in Arauca Province--as well as other situations that demand justice--be conducted with the utmost transparency.

The U.S. is committed to working closely with Colombia to strengthen and increase access to the judicial system, and to promote the rule of law. In 2003, the United States government provided $60 million to assist internally displaced persons and roughly $30 million to support administration of justice, strengthening of democratic institutions, human rights protection programs, peace initiatives and labor programs. The U.S. government supports 37 "Justice Houses" which have provided legal aid to over 1.6 million poor Colombians, worked with the Interior Ministry to provide protection for over 2700 threatened persons (including human rights activists, labor leaders, and journalists) and continued support for the Ombudsman's Early Warning System, which alerts security forces to potential massacres or forced displacements.

U.S. assistance has also supported the work of the United Nations Commission for Human Rights in Colombia, protected at-risk labor and human rights leaders, strengthened and expanded the reach of the national Human Rights Unit by establishing mobile satellite sub-units throughout the country and leveraged needed reforms within the Prosecutor General's office. Reinforcing the Colombian government's own commitment to improving human rights and personal security in Colombia, these efforts are paying off.

Colombia still suffers the highest rate of kidnapping in the world; over 2,000 such crimes were committed in 2003. In response, Colombia's U.S.-supported Anti-kidnapping Initiative was inaugurated in August 2003 and has trained and equipped military and police anti-kidnapping units. These units already have conducted several successful rescue operations, freeing hostages and dismantling kidnapping rings. This initiative complements other U.S. government counter-terrorism assistance.

Finally, the on-going human rights dialogue with the Colombian government, as well as Colombian and U.S.-based human rights NGOs, together with our support to further develop Colombia's judicial system and human rights infrastructure, will continue in order to sustain these improvements and bolster the rule of law in Colombia. This is an on-going effort that is crucial in order to maintain and expand support for Colombia in the U.S.

Hemispheric Vision: Democracy, Prosperity and Security
It is important to underscore that the policy of my government is rooted in a shared hemispheric vision of promoting democracy, prosperity, and security for all the peoples of the Americas.

This hemispheric goal of democracy, prosperity and security for every citizen--agreed to by the 34 democratically-elected heads of state and government at the Summit of the Americas in Quebec City, in 2001, as the roadmap for the future of the region--is the cornerstone of our policy agenda throughout the Hemisphere, and why it is imperative that we assist the people of Colombia. Because in today's world, democracy, prosperity, and security are mutually sustaining.

As the dangers of the Cold War faded, new threats and realities have emerged in the Hemisphere requiring coordinated, cooperative, and multilateral responses. These threats require common multilateral responses by our governments, because no one state can address them alone. In short, security cooperation within and among our countries must be coordinated and intensified.

Mindful of this reality, the United States is committed to building a safer and more secure Hemisphere in which we can all prosper. It is in the interest of not only the United States, but of the entire hemisphere that the people of Colombia succeed in their efforts to rid the nation of narco-terrorism. Colombian democracy must win this war for the good of the country, the Andean region, and the continent.

As we carry out the struggle against terror, our objective is to secure strong, democratic neighbors working with us to defend our shared interests and values at home and abroad. We must build a stronger inter-American community, bound together by a shared commitment to freedom, fortified by the rule of law, and prospering through free trade.

There is no more important or challenging task than building responsive democratic institutions, competitive markets, effective legal systems, and sound educational and social systems throughout the hemisphere.

My government, like others in the region, wants thriving economic partners that are democratic, stable, and prosperous. We, like others, want secure borders and cooperative neighbors. And, we want a community of free nations working together to advance common political and economic values in the world. In short, it is in the U.S. interest, and in the hemispheric interest, for Colombian democracy to succeed.

The OAS Role & Hemispheric Security
To advance this vision of regional cooperation, never before has the Organization of American States (OAS) been more relevant in addressing these key hemispheric concerns than it is today.

Since 1995, the OAS has constructed an impressive record of achievement in the security field.

More recently, in October 2003 in Mexico City, OAS member states adopted the Declaration on Security in the Americas, establishing a multi-dimensional approach to security and reaffirming our commitment to combat terrorism at its source. This strong political statement builds on existing security frameworks and complements them with a cooperative hemispheric security approach that will effectively address both traditional and new threats, concerns, and challenges in the region.

The paramount significance of this document is the consensus that these threats, concerns, and challenges are of "diverse nature and multidimensional scope," and that the "traditional concept and approach must be expanded to encompass new and nontraditional threats, which include political, economic, social, health, and environmental aspects." The Declaration reaffirmed that "the basis and purpose of security is the protection of human beings," and that "security is strengthened when we deepen its human dimension." Therefore, "conditions for human security are improved through full respect for people's dignity, human rights, and fundamental freedoms, as well as the promotion of social and economic development, social inclusion, and education and the fight against poverty, disease and hunger."

Cognizant of the fact that the conflict in Colombia provides a classic case scenario of these principles--and that the resolution of conflict in Colombia is therefore a critical element to advancing the hemisphere's security agenda--the countries gathered also approved a Declaration on the Situation in Colombia. This declaration expressed hemispheric solidarity and support for Colombia, and calls on the international community to support a prompt start to negotiations and the demobilization, reconciliation, disarmament, and reintegration programs necessary to achieve this objective in a just and transparent manner.

In addition to the Mexico City Special Conference on Hemispheric Security, the OAS has also taken other substantive actions. It has been a leader in humanitarian mine action programs, in strengthening cooperation mechanisms through confidence and security building measures, and in the adoption of the inter-American conventions on illicit trafficking in firearms, transparency in conventional arms acquisitions, and terrorism. By actions and deeds, not mere words, the work of the inter-American system defines our hemispheric security as we know it today.

In the war on terror, the Inter-American Committee Against Terrorism (CICTE) was established in October 1999 to coordinate member states' activities against terrorism, including facilitating exchange of information, sharing of best practices, and counterterrorism capacity building through training and technical assistance. CICTE seeks to strengthen border and financial controls, increase cooperation among law enforcement authorities, and address threats to airport, seaport, and cybersecurity.

And following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the OAS member states took the lead with dramatic and effective steps to coordinate the region's response to fight terror in the Americas. These brutal attacks awakened hemispheric concerns in this area, driving actions to address terrorism in a comprehensive manner with the aim of strengthening inter-American cooperation to prevent, combat, and eliminate terrorism in the Hemisphere.

In response to September 11, the 1947 Inter-American Treaty for Reciprocal Assistance (Rio Treaty) was invoked, declaring that these were "attacks against all American States" and pledged assistance. Today, although over half a century old, both the OAS Charter and the legally binding Rio Treaty, remain relevant today.

Facing a common threat to our security and prosperity, in June 2002, at the General Assembly in Barbados, the OAS also adopted the Inter-American Convention Against Terrorism that expands our legal obligations to work together to both prevent and respond to terrorist activities.

And in 2001, the OAS further strengthened democracy in the Americas by the historic adoption of the Inter-American Democratic Charter, which commits us to defend and promote democracy--as one--through preventive measures to head-off ruptures in the democratic constitutional order. At the core of the OAS mission is this commitment to democracy, which declares: "The peoples of the Americas have a right to democracy and their governments have an obligation to promote and defend it."

And since democracy and human rights go hand in hand, the OAS's Inter-American Commission on Human Rights continues to hear cases involving allegations of human rights abuses and to issue recommendations to governments of the OAS member states and refer cases to the Inter-American Court.

All in all, our security framework today is dynamic, adaptable, addressing not just conflict between states, but also the challenges of the 21^st century that include terrorism and its implied threats, such as money laundering, illicit trafficking in narcotics, arms, and persons, and threats to transportation and critical infrastructure, transnational organized crime, cybersecurity, and terrorists' access to weapons of mass destruction.

The OAS & Colombia
Against this backdrop of an OAS poised to tackle the substantive problems facing the nations of the Western Hemisphere, it is critical that it remain engaged to ensure that peace in Colombia is achieved in a manner consistent with justice and accountability. A transparent, internationally monitored peace process that results in a cessation of hostilities and the demobilization, disarmament and reintegration of illegal armed groups is an important means of promoting human rights for all Colombians. And Colombia's road to peace must, again, include justice for victims and accountability for the perpetrators of human rights violations and narco-trafficking.

Both the OAS General Assembly and the Permanent Council actions--through Resolutions 837 and 859--are clear signals of the organization's commitment and cooperation in advancing Colombian initiatives to secure a firm and lasting peace. Indeed, the actions by the OAS against the terrorist activities that aim to undermine Colombian society have been unequivocal.

Resolution 837, passed on February 12, 2003, categorically condemns the terrorists acts of armed groups in Colombia operating outside the law, and invokes the Inter-American Democratic Charter, stating that "no democratic State can remain indifferent to the clear threat terrorism poses to democratic freedoms and institutions." Recognizing that the situation in Colombia is an issue of hemispheric concern, Resolution 837 firmly expresses its "repudiation of the despicable terrorist" attacks carried out by these groups, and to apply antiterrorism mechanisms under the Inter-American Convention Against Terrorism to intensify information exchange on the activities of terrorist groups, reinforce border controls to prevent their movement, and suppress the funding of such groups.

On February 6, 2004, in response to President Uribe's request for support, the OAS Permanent Council adopted Resolution 859. This measure authorized the Mission to Support the Peace Process in Colombia as a framework to enable the OAS to provide advice and technical support to the verification of the ceasefire and cessation of hostilities, demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration initiatives, which constitutes a reaffirmation of the OAS commitment.

Furthermore, this resolution contains several important provisions to ensure that the OAS Mission will add transparency and international accountability to the process. In particular, it invites the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights to provide advice to the mission so that it is conducted consonant with international human rights norms essential to its credibility.

It is key to highlight that all of these Resolutions and Declarations express their full support for the actions of President Uribe aimed at restoring the security, tranquility, and welfare of the Colombian people and recognize the progress achieved in overcoming Colombia's internal conflict.

Challenges Ahead
But for all of the progress and achievements to date, there are of course many challenges still before us. Democracy, I need not tell you, is indeed a difficult undertaking. It requires much work and constant vigilance.

Let it be clear, that there are responsibilities and obligations on all sides that must be fulfilled:

• Colombia, for its part, must stay the course and continue to build on its hard fought gains, further strengthening its vigorous democratic government, and ensuring that all citizens enjoy basic civil liberties in a system governed by the rule of law.
  
• The OAS must also remain an active participant. Armed with the Democratic Charter and responsive to our heads of state and government who meet regularly at the Summits of the Americas, the OAS today is in a position to meet the hemispheric challenges ahead. Indeed, no other institution in the world has so explicitly expressed a similar commitment to democracy. Member states, however, and those Observer States with close hemispheric ties, must step up and provide the essential resources necessary to for the OAS to carry out its mission in Colombia.
  
• It is also critical that--country-by-country--the nations of the Hemisphere stand shoulder-to-shoulder with Colombia, and demonstrate the political will and leadership necessary as this process unfolds, in order to move forward with increased effectiveness. For the OAS Peace Mission to succeed, OAS member states must also contribute. So far, along with Colombia, the contributors to the peace process are the U.S., the Bahamas, Sweden, and the Netherlands. Furthermore, it is the obligation of Colombia's neighbors not to be safe havens for terrorists and to cooperate fully with Colombian authorities. It is in the interest of the region as a whole that, through its democratically elected governments, we preserve regional stability and consolidate the hard-won advances of democratic governance in the last two decades. In the age of the Democratic Charter, we all have a stake in Colombian democracy.
  
• Similarly, the European Community and other international donors must also step forward and honor their commitments to the process in Colombia. We note that in past donor conferences, pledges were made that remain unfulfilled, with the exception of the United Kingdom, Spain and Japan. Contributions to Colombia have fallen far short of expectations, and we urge the international community to speed implementation of their programs. The Colombian people have suffered for much too long, and the international community has an obligation to do all within its means to help Colombians preserve their democracy.
  
• As for the terrorist groups that seek to undermine democracy, let it be clear that there is no quarter for murderers who take on political names and kill innocent victims, hold hostages for ransom, terrorize, and fund terrorist networks through the sale of narcotics. What they do is antithetical to the principles of liberty; they are repudiated by the civilized world, and they will not succeed.

Conclusion
The nations of our Hemisphere are bound by a common history. The heritage of our civilization is forged by the pursuit of respect for human dignity, and by the conviction that each individual has a birthright to be free. What is at stake today in Colombia is nothing short than the very future of this vision. We join with Colombians to pursuing that vision through open dialogue and respect for differing points of view, within a democratic framework, in the spirit of la Serie Houston, and its contributions to advancing the promise of Colombian democracy.