Remarks at the North American - SICA Security Dialogue

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Africa Day Keynote Address

Thank you for that kind introduction. Ambassador Mombuli, Ambassador Baali, Ambassador Odembo, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, and all protocol observed, good evening. It is a distinct honor to be here with you this evening to celebrate Africa Day and all that this day represents – pride in the Continent, reverence for its history, its partnerships in the present, and faith in its future, lifting up the vision of an Africa that is peaceful, prosperous and proud.

It is fitting that on this particular Africa Day in 2013, we celebrate the 50th Anniversary of the founding of the Organization of African Unity. Just as 1963 was a seminal year in the fight for freedom in Africa, so it was also a seminal year in the fight for freedom in the United States. Just as brave freedom fighters fought for their independence in Kenya, Algeria and other places across Africa, so did brave citizens march for their freedom in Birmingham, Selma and other cities across America. Just as Africa’s founding fathers – like Kwame Nkruma, Julius Nyerere, Jomo Kenyatta, Sekou Touré, Félix Houphouët-Boigny and Haile Selassie - created the OAU in Addis Ababa as an expression of unity amongst all Africans, so did Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. march on Washington to share his Dream as an expression of the inherent equality of all Americans. And just as the African Union has evolved to be led by the first woman in its history – Dr. Nkosozana Dlamini-Zuma – so has our country evolved to be led by the first African-American in its history – President Barack Obama.

Yet the histories of our peoples – Africans and Americans – are much more than lives lived in parallel, like eucalyptus trees growing tall but separately. Instead, our histories are more like sturdy vines, weaving into each other as they grow toward the sunlight, increasingly and inevitably intertwined. The explosion of independent African states in the early 1960s gave hope to millions of oppressed people around the world, including here in the U.S., that freedom was on the march and that a brighter day was coming. The heroism of Nelson Mandela and the martyrdom of Stephen Biko inspired a generation of Americans to make common cause with those fighting to end the last vestiges of apartheid and colonialism in Africa. Prominent Americans, like Dr. Ralph Bunche and Amb. Andrew Young, worked to midwife the birth of free African states from the Congo to Zimbabwe. The riveting prose of Chinua Achebe and the elegant verse of Leopold Senghor awakened the consciousness of Africans and Americans to the beauty and the challenges of contemporary Africa. And when the scourge of HIV/AIDS threatened to decimate a generation of young people across the continent, the United States responded with PEPFAR, spending billions of dollars to save millions of lives. We are, without a doubt, peoples inextricably linked.

To be certain, our common histories are also full of painful memories and instances of profound regret. It was the horror of the transatlantic slave trade that first brought Africans, including my ancestors, to the shores of North America in great numbers. Also, there is no doubt that our government could have and should have done more to support many of the liberation struggles in Africa. And former President Bill Clinton publicly and prominently apologized for the failure of the United States to do more to stop the genocide in Rwanda in 1994.

Yet anniversaries such as today offer an opportunity to embrace the future as well as a chance to reflect on the past. The United States is optimistic about Africa’s future, and we are committed to being a stalwart and unshakable partner in the project of building a prosperous Africa at peace with itself and the world. It is in recognition of our shared past and faith in our common future that President Obama will make an extended trip to Africa in late June, accompanied by First Lady Michelle Obama. Yes, we are indeed confident in Africa’s future, particularly with regard to Africa’s political unity, growing economy, and expanding opportunity.

One of the most encouraging and exciting African developments in the last decade has been the degree to which the African Union – successor to the OAU – has set the pace for unified political standards and conflict resolution on the continent. It has taken an indispensible leadership role in addressing political crises from Madagascar to Mali. The adoption of the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance by member states is a collective commitment to a transparent and participatory government. And the African Union Peer Review Mechanism is a powerful and admirable means for African states to hold themselves accountable to one another. It was in recognition of the potential of the AU to serve such a powerful role for Africa that the United States was proud to be the very first non-African country to accredit an ambassador solely to the African Union. Further, we were pleased that as one of her last acts of office, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton signed a Memorandum of Understanding with AU Chairperson Dlamini-Zuma creating a Strategic Partnership between the United States and the African Union. And it is in recognition of the reality of the AU’s influence and importance today that Secretary of State John Kerry will attend the AU Summit and 50th Anniversary celebrations for the OAU in Addis Ababa this weekend, making him the first sitting US Secretary of State to attend an AU summit.

The spread of democracy and good governance is one of the key factors leading to increased economic growth in Africa. We are pleased to recognize that six of the ten fastest growing economies in the world are in Africa. In the past fifteen years, two-way trade between Africa and the United States has grown from $31 billion to $99 billion. The African Growth and Opportunity Act has opened the American market to some $424 billion of African imports over the last twelve years, and the Obama administration is committed to the renewal of AGOA in 2015. There is enormous economic potential in infrastructure, agribusiness, consumer goods, manufacturing and a host of other sectors beyond extractive industries. The US government recognizes that the economic future of Africa is bright, and we want to help American companies benefit from these opportunities by engaging, investing, and partnering with African businesses. For this reason, a number of very senior American delegations have travelled to Africa in the last year alone to showcase African commercial opportunities to American firms. This has included visits by Deputy National Security Advisor for Economic Affairs Michael Froman to Kenya, Tanzania, Ethiopia and Nigeria; Acting Commerce Secretary Rebecca Blank to South Africa and Kenya; and Commerce Under Secretary Franciso Sanchez to Zambia and South Africa, to name but a few. We will make every effort to show the American private sector that Africa is open for business, and that they should seek opportunities to engage, partner and invest there for our mutual benefit.

Finally, this trend of economic growth will hopefully lead to expanded opportunity for citizens across Africa. Africa is a young continent, with 60 percent of the total population under the age of 30. These young people have a great dynamism and hope for their future, but they will also need jobs and education to realize their individual potential and to contribute to the prosperity of their countries. For this reason, the Obama administration has pioneered the Young African Leadership Initiative, or YALI, which to date has engaged more than 250 young Africans in leadership training and networking with their peers across the continent. We continue to support over 260 students from 34 African countries to study in the United States through the Fulbright Program. And we are anxious to learn how we can be supportive of the Pan African University, which has great potential to revolutionize both the content and accessibility of tertiary education in Africa.

In conclusion, we should recognize that while our histories as Africans and Americans are well behind us, our future has yet to be written. As we celebrate this Africa Day, and reflect on the challenges and triumphs that have brought us to this moment, let us resolve to make our common future bright and prosperous, rooted in shared values, marked by mutual respect, and committed to dignity for all.

Thank you.

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External links to other Internet sites should not be construed as an endorsement of the views or privacy policies contained therein.

Geopolitics and Nuclear Energy: The View from the State Department

(As Delivered)

Thank you for that introduction and thank you for having me here today. It is a pleasure to talk to the principal nuclear industry organization in the United States. Your involvement in all parts of the nuclear energy sector, as well as your work with universities, research laboratories, and labor unions is so important to our energy future. Congratulations on the 60th anniversary of the founding of the Atomic Industrial Forum, your predecessor organization. It is sometimes hard to believe that nuclear energy is over a half century old.

I am sure that most of you are familiar with the Obama Administration’s “all of the above” energy strategy – and that it unequivocally includes nuclear energy – but it bears repeating. President Obama has stated clearly that “we must harness the power of nuclear energy on behalf of our efforts to combat climate change and advance peace and opportunity for all people.”

Since taking office in 2009, the President has worked continuously to improve our nation’s energy security, efficiency, and sustainability. With his recently proposed FY2014 budget, the President has made it clear that he will not back down from energy issues and has proposed significant targets – and budgetary resources – to dramatically improve our economy’s energy productivity, lessen our oil imports, and deploy clean power generation technologies.

Energy and Geopolitics

There are three fundamental reasons that energy issues matter to American foreign policy.

First, energy rests at the core of geopolitics – an issue of both wealth and power, which means it can be both a source of conflict and a basis for international cooperation. It is in the interest of the United States to resolve disputes over energy peacefully. We must keep energy supplies and markets stable during global crises and ensure that countries don’t use their energy resources to force others to bend to their will or forgive their bad behavior.

Second, energy is essential to how we will power our economy and manage our environment in the 21^st century. We will work to promote new technologies and sources of energy to reduce pollution, to diversify the global energy supply, to create jobs, and to address the threat of climate change. Nuclear energy can play a role in each of these efforts.

Third, energy is the key to development and political stability. There are 1.3 billion people worldwide who don’t have access to energy. That is unacceptable in economic terms and security terms.

Our nuclear exports are a key strategic asset- a mature energy technology that does not emit greenhouse gases, while also providing a source of base-load electric power. Nuclear energy has an important role to play in pursuing our foreign policy objectives. Our top priority, though, is to make sure that U.S. access to energy is secure, reliable, affordable, and sustainable.

The Administration is working hard to make sure that countries are using nuclear energy safely. In comparison to other energy sources, nuclear power presents a unique set of challenges, most notably those related to safety, security, and nonproliferation.

Of course, when another country buys a U.S. reactor, both of us be confident that the design is safe because it has been certified by the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC). U.S. nuclear exports also increase the transparency of the importing country’s nuclear programs, thus indirectly supporting our nonproliferation policies. When we export U.S. technology, we are also exporting our safety and security cultures.

Looking Ahead

The future of nuclear exports cannot be discussed without considering the future of nuclear energy, in general. It is well known that, following the incident at Fukushima, Japan in 2011, some major economies decided to decrease, and eventually eliminate, their reliance on nuclear power. Despite these shifts, there is still a considerable market for nuclear energy.

The International Atomic Energy Agency Nuclear Technology Review (NTR) for 2012 concluded that, “globally the [Fukushima] accident is expected to slow or delay the growth of nuclear power, but not to reverse it.” In fact, the NTR projects significant growth in the use of nuclear energy worldwide, between 35% and 100% by 2030.

The International Energy Agency (IEA) has reached similar conclusions. In its World Energy Outlook for 2012, the IEA concluded that while nuclear power would expand more slowly due to Fukushima and lower prices for fossil fuels, by 2035 nuclear generating capacity could increase to 580 gigawatts of electricity, compared to 371 gigawatts in 2010.

The U.S. Department of Commerce estimates the international marketplace for civil nuclear technology at $500 to $740 billion over the next ten years, with the potential to generate more than $100 billion in U.S. exports and thousands of new jobs.

This growth is welcome, as electricity demand is growing rapidly, particularly in emerging economies. By 2035, as much as 80 percent of this growth will take place in China, India and other non-OECD countries. These are the markets of the future. We see nuclear energy playing a critical role in meeting this increasing demand in a way that helps to provide efficient, low-cost power that also mitigates CO₂ emissions.

Support for Industry

As we approach these new markets, we know that American nuclear exporters continue to face obstacles in the international market. That said, the U.S. nuclear industry has a number of assets that allow it to remain competitive, and I never bet against American ingenuity.

Our edge in technology is our greatest asset. American reactor designs on the market today are among the most advanced in the world, and some of them include passive safety features that would have been helpful at Fukushima.

The United States has unmatched experience with civil nuclear energy, operating the largest number of nuclear reactors in the world and generating the most nuclear power with the largest installed capacity worldwide.

The United States has top-performing companies all along the nuclear value chain. According to the World Nuclear Association, 12 of the world’s 25 highest-performing reactors are in the United States.

Further, while the NRC is careful not to engage in the promotion of nuclear power or exports, its very existence gives U.S. exporters an advantage. The NRC is widely regarded as the most effective and independent nuclear regulator in the world. By setting the bar for such safety standards we are also working to raise standards for nuclear safety around the world.

Some of the challenges of financing a nuclear power plant can be eased by the Export-Import Bank, the official U.S. export credit agency. While the Bank cannot engage in equity investing, it does offer direct loans and loan guarantees to support U.S. exports, including nuclear exports. This past fall, for the first time in decades, the Ex-Im Bank approved a two billion dollar loan to support a nuclear-related export.

It may not be the first impulse of export firm executives to think of the U.S. Government as a business asset, but there is much that we can do to help. We are developing what we call a “Team USA” approach to civil nuclear engagement abroad. In January 2012, the White House created a new position - Director of Nuclear Energy Policy – to lead this effort. Going forward, this will help us present a unified U.S. message on these issues and increase our presence in the civil nuclear commercial spaces.

Another service that the government can provide is advocacy. Once a potential nuclear project is approved for advocacy by the Department of Commerce’s Advocacy Center, the State Department and other U.S. government agencies can, through active diplomacy with the host country, put U.S. Government support behind the American bidder. Even when more than one American firm is bidding on a nuclear power plant, we may be able to engage in generic advocacy, expressing to the host government our support for a U.S. firm winning the contract.

We also try to ensure that a foreign government’s decisions are being made in a transparent manner on a “level playing field.” Our diplomatic posts are sensitive to any evidence that undue influence is affecting a host government’s decision, and those posts are prepared to protest unwarranted discrimination against U.S sellers.

There are a number of other steps that the Administration has taken to ensure that our nuclear exports receive the attention they deserve. The Department of Commerce has established a Civil Nuclear Trade Initiative, the goal of which is to identify the U.S. nuclear industry’s trade policy challenges and commercial opportunities and coordinate public-private sector responses to support the growth of the U.S. civil nuclear industry.

There are important initiatives we are undertaking to significantly reduce the proliferation side-effects of the spread of nuclear energy. For example, in the field of radiopharmaceuticals, the United States plays an active role on several fronts. The Department of Energy is engaged in four cooperative agreements to support the development of domestic production of medical isotopes (in particular molybdenum-99) without the use of highly enriched uranium (HEU).

Last June, the White House established a policy that includes steps to further minimize the export of HEU where possible and preferentially procure non-HEU-based isotopes. The "American Medical Isotopes Production Act," passed in January, further supports these efforts by providing for a complete phase-out of HEU exports for such isotopes by 2020.

Let me close by reaffirming the Administration’s support for American nuclear exports. You all face stiff competition on the international market, but you also have strong resources to draw upon. I want to avoid the cliché, but we are here to help, and I hope we continue to work closely together in the future.

Thank you. I am happy to take a few questions and also eager to hear some thoughts and suggestions from you.

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Under Secretary Hormats' Remarks at the Roundtable on Wildlife Trafficking at the University of Pretoria

As Prepared 

Thank you for the kind introduction. I would also like to thank the University of Pretoria Center for Wildlife Management and the Mammal Research Institute for hosting us today. I am honored to share this panel with Mr. Fundesile Mketeni from the Department of Environmental Affairs and Dr. Mike Knight of the IUCN, both experts in the field and deeply involved in fighting the horrible scourge of rhino poaching happening in South Africa. And, I welcome Julian Rademeyer as our moderator. His knowledge of the situation and criminal networks will guide us in a meaningful discussion today.

The U.S. Department of State has long considered wildlife trafficking to be a critical conservation issue. However, wildlife trafficking and poaching have exploded in the past several years into a large-scale, commercial illicit enterprise with increasing involvement by transnational criminal groups. This trend has made wildlife crime a particularly high priority for me. Moreover, ending wildlife trafficking is a high priority for me personally because I lived in East Africa for a year. I spent several months as an assistant game guide in the region’s majestic parks. I also visited Kruger National Park in South Africa and Etosha National Park in Namibia. I saw many of Africa’s animals up close and personal and came to love and admire them.

During my visit to southern Africa last year with Secretary Clinton, we heard firsthand of the devastation the brutal poachers are causing for the populations of these majestic animals, and the communities which depend on them. Communities suffer when their wildlife is slaughtered and stolen, both economically and personally. From the rising numbers of rangers and eco-guards murdered from Kenya to Cameroon, and across the continent, we see that the toll of poaching and trafficking is not counted in the horrible slaughter of animal lives alone. The insecurity spread by lawless, armed poachers—criminal syndicates and gangs—crossing national borders with impunity adds risk to daily life and prevents these communities from developing sustainable means of economic prosperity. Very few companies are willing to invest in a place where physical security is virtually non-existent, and tourists that would otherwise come and pay to view wildlife roaming freely likewise will spend their money in safer places.

Reducing demand is central to stopping the illegal trade in wildlife.

Our governments and citizens cannot afford to stand idle while poachers and wildlife traffickers hunt and slaughter elephants, rhinos, tigers, bears, or any species often to extinction. The Department of State has elevated our efforts to combat wildlife trafficking. I have made this a top priority of my job. Former Secretary Hillary Clinton hosted an event at the State Department last fall – a Call to Action from governments, businesses, NGOs, and citizens to enhance their efforts to combat wildlife trafficking. She also called for an intelligence assessment to help us understand the networks involved and identify how these products and associate financial flows are moving across borders. We are doing a lot to increase action to combat wildlife trafficking. Over the last year, I have hosted roundtable discussions with Ambassadors in Washington, D.C. to discuss how wildlife demand and supply countries can work together.

During my recent trip to China, I had very useful and concrete discussions with Chinese leaders on improving enforcement efforts and reducing demand for illegal wildlife products in both of our countries. In recent months our Embassies and consulates around the world have stepped up their efforts to support governments that are seeking to stop wildlife slaughter and trafficking. Our missions are actively highlighting the issue through public outreach efforts, such as roundtable discussions, film screenings, and web chats.

Internationally, we recently were able to elevate wildlife trafficking as a “serious crime” through a resolution passed at the UN Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice, which the United States and Peru co-sponsored. Under UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, “serious crimes” receive minimum sentences of four years in prison. In many instances wildlife smugglers are released after paying fines significantly lower than the value of the illegal goods, so for them the risk is well worth the reward. To them, fines are simply the cost of doing business, not a punishment or deterrent.

We also support law enforcement training through our International Law Enforcement Academies (ILEAs) programs in Gaborone and Bangkok. These centers provide law enforcement training to strengthen wildlife crime investigations. Since 2005 we have worked with other governments and international partners, the CITES Secretariat, Interpol, the UN Office of Drugs and Crime and the World Customs Organization, to establish regional Wildlife Enforcement Networks or WENs. We were pleased to sponsor the first global meeting of the WENs During the CITES Conference of the Parties in Bangkok this past March, we called for the creation of a global system of regional wildlife enforcement networks.

We believe that increasing communication and coordination across the numerous existing and emerging regional wildlife enforcement networks will increase their own success while enhancing the global efforts to confront the transnational aspects of wildlife trafficking. We welcome the interest of other regions to establish WENs or similar cooperative arrangements. We must work together to stem the tide of destruction before it is too late. Stopping wildlife crime is an urgent matter. It is a major challenge and something we must do for our children, our grandchildren, and generations to come.

Thank you again for your participation today and for your interest in and commitment to protecting our planet’s wildlife.

The Office of Website Management, Bureau of Public Affairs, manages this site as a portal for information from the U.S. State Department.
External links to other Internet sites should not be construed as an endorsement of the views or privacy policies contained therein.

Global Trade Partners in the 21st Century

As Prepared

Thank you Lyal for the kind introduction.

I am delighted to be in South Africa again. I visited last fall with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

What was most striking then, and continues to be the case today, is the extent to which the image of Africa has changed. According to the IMF, growth in sub-Saharan Africa will surge to 6.1% next year, well ahead of the global average of 4%.

Africa is booming in nearly every sector, ranging from massive energy developments in Mozambique, Tanzania, Ghana, and other countries; to the growth of Rwanda and Kenya’s information and communications technology sectors; to South Africa’s thriving auto industry. And, though far from declaring victory, Africa is reaching a turning point in its hard-fought battles against poverty and corruption.

Today’s Africa looks nothing like what, in 2000, The Economist referred to as the “Hopeless Continent.” It is critical that we concentrate the world’s eyes on the new image of Africa, that of progress and promise. Perspectives are evolving—in 2011, The Economist referred to Africa as the “Rising Continent” and, last March, as the “Hopeful Continent.”

Trade is at the heart of Africa’s economic resurgence. So, in this context, I will speak first about America’s vision for global trade in the 21st century and then, focus on implications and, indeed, opportunities for Africa. America’s global trade agenda in the 21st century is shaped by a foundation laid, in large part, in the mid-20th century. After World War II, American and European policymakers worked together to build a set of international institutions that embodied democratic and free market principles.

The GATT—which led to the WTO—World Bank, IMF, and the OECD were designed to foster international economic cooperation. These institutions were vital to the economic prosperity of the United States, and to the success of America’s foreign policy and national security for the next three generations.

As we move into the 21st century, a new multi-polar global economy has surfaced. The emergence of a new group of economic powerhouses—Brazil, Russia, India, and China, of course, but also countries in Africa—has created momentum (if not necessity) for greater inclusiveness in the global trading system.

At the same time, these new players must assume responsibilities for the international economic system commensurate with the increasing benefits they derive from the global economy. In addition to the geography of international trade, the nature of trade and investment has evolved to include previously unimaginable issues such as e-commerce and sustainability.

So, part of our vision for trade in the 21st century is to build a system that is more inclusive, recognizes the new realities of economic interdependence, and matches increased participation in the global trading system with increased responsibility for the global trading system.

We are making progress with bringing new players into the global trading system as equal partners. Free Trade Agreements with Korea, Colombia, and Panama entered into force last year.

And, we are continuing negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Partnership—or TPP as it is more widely known. With Japan’s anticipated entry into the negotiations, TPP will grow to include 12 countries of different size, background, and levels of development. The agreement, when finalized, will encompass nearly 40% of global GDP and one-third of global trade.

In addition to TPP, we are embarking on a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership with the European Union. TTIP—as it is being called—will strengthen economic ties between the United States and Europe, and enhance our ability to build stronger relationships with emerging economies in Asia, Africa, and other parts of the world.

TPP and TTIP are truly historic undertakings. Our objective is not only to strengthen economic ties with the Asia-Pacific and Europe, but also to pioneer approaches to trade and investment issues that have grown in importance in recent years.

These agreements will seek to break new ground by addressing a multitude of heretofore unaddressed non-tariff barriers, setting the stage for convergence on key standards and regulations, and establishing high quality norms and practices that can spread to other markets. TPP, for example, will raise standards on investment and electronic commerce, and afford protections for labor and the environment.

Our agenda also includes strengthening the multilateral trading system through the World Trade Organization. For example, the United States would like to see a multilateral Trade Facilitation Agreement, which would commit WTO Members to expedite the movement, release, and clearance of goods, and improve cooperation on customs matters. A Trade Facilitation Agreement would be a win-win for all parties—Africa especially.

Cross-border trade in Africa is hindered by what the World Bank calls “Thick Borders.” According to the latest Doing Business Report, it takes up to 35 days to clear exports and 44 days to clear imports in Africa. Clearing goods in OECD countries, in contrast, takes only 10 days on average and costs nearly half as much. Countries like Ghana and Rwanda have benefited tremendously from the introduction of trade facilitation tools and policies.

Ghana, for instance, introduced reforms in 2003 that decreased the cost and time of trading across borders by 60%, and increased customs revenue by 50%. A multilateral Trade Facilitation Agreement will create a glide path for increased trade with and within Africa.

Our views for 21st century global trade partnerships go beyond Europe and the Asia-Pacific, and efforts at the WTO. We are committed to supporting Africa’s integration into the global trading system. The cornerstone of our trade relationship with sub-Saharan Africa is the African Growth and Opportunity Act—known as AGOA. Of all of our trade preference programs, AGOA provides the most liberal trade access to the U.S. market.

Exports from Africa to the United States under the AGOA have grown to $34.9 billion in 2012. While oil and gas still represent a large portion of Africa’s exports, it is important to recognize that non-petroleum exports under AGOA have tripled to nearly $5 billion since 2001, when AGOA went into effect. And, compared to a decade ago, more than twice the number of eligible countries are exporting non-petroleum goods under AGOA.

South Africa, in particular, has made great strides in diversifying its exports to the United States. Thanks to AGOA, the United States is now South Africa’s main export market for passenger cars, representing more than 50% of exported value in 2012. Because AGOA is such an important mechanism for African countries to gain access to the U.S. market, the Administration is committed to working with Congress on an early, seamless renewal of AGOA. Our trade relationship with Africa goes beyond AGOA. For instance, AGOA represents only one-quarter of South African exports to the United States. The composition of South Africa’s exports to the United States, moreover, reflects complex interdependencies and industrial goods.

And, our trade relationship with Africa is not just about one-way trade. There is an immense opportunity for U.S. companies to do business on the continent.

We recently launched the “Doing Business in Africa Campaign” to help American businesses identify and seize upon trade and investment opportunities in Africa. The campaign was announced in Johannesburg, in part, because South Africa can play a prominent role in directing U.S. investment into other parts of the continent.

Although progress has been made on diversifying exports beyond energy, there is much more to be done. African ingenuity and entrepreneurship must be unleashed to drive innovation and growth throughout the continent. This requires closer integration to share ideas, transfer knowledge, and partner on solutions. Through AGOA and the “Doing Business in Africa Campaign”, we are promoting a business climate in Africa that enables and encourages trade and investment. However, realizing these goals is goes beyond trade preferences and commercial linkages.

Africa is also featured in America’s vision for global trade in the 21st century.

For example, we recently launched the U.S.-East African Community Trade and Investment Partnership—the first of its kind—to expand two-way trade and investment. The Partnership is designed to build confidence among the private sector by building a more open and predictable business climate in East Africa. We are considering a variety of mechanisms to accomplish this, including a regional investment treaty and trade facilitation agreement. The Partnership highlights our desire to help Africa integrate and compete in today’s global economy.

I will conclude with one final point. I began by saying that trade is at the heart of Africa’s economic resurgence. Trade is also at the heart of America’s economic recovery. We have a common interest and a common goal.

When it comes to enhanced trade, what is good for Africa is good for America. And what is good for America is good for Africa.

Thank you.

The Office of Website Management, Bureau of Public Affairs, manages this site as a portal for information from the U.S. State Department.
External links to other Internet sites should not be construed as an endorsement of the views or privacy policies contained therein.

2013 Global Diaspora Forum

As prepared

The diaspora experience has long been “America’s Story.” As Russell Shorto’s remarkable book, The Island at the Center of the World, details, at the time the Dutch ceded Manhattan to the British, in 1664, there were only 400 inhabitants on the island. Yet, they were a very diverse group indeed; they spoke 18 different languages—a microcosm of the much larger diaspora that was to follow.

Seventeenth-century Manhattan—enriched by inhabitants from many parts of the world—was truly multi-ethnic. Its citizens were creative and entrepreneurial. They valued free trade, individual rights, and religious freedom. And they valued opportunity.

Centuries later, this description of Dutch Manhattan not only fits New York, but also the United States as a whole. Today, almost one quarter of Americans are first- or second-generation diasporans.

In New York, 41 percent of students in the city’s schools speak a language other than English at home. Los Angeles has identified 109 different languages its students use at home. Many other American cities, and many smaller towns as well, are enriched by immigrant communities that speak many languages.

People who have migrated here from all over the world call America home, and cherish their American citizenship. They also significantly enrich our society and our country. The creativity and success of America have been strengthened by new waves of people from distant lands who bring their talents, hard work, innovativeness, and varied backgrounds together to add dynamism to our economy and our country.

My grandparents came from Eastern and Central Europe. Getting here wasn’t easy. Neither was life when they first arrived. But America welcomed them and gave them opportunity. And they sought throughout their lives to give back to America. I like to feel that in some small way, I am following in their footsteps of trying to give back in gratitude for the welcome America gave them and the opportunity it has given all of us. There are millions like me with similar stories.

The Importance of the Global Diaspora Forum

Let me now share a few thoughts on why I think this Forum is so important.

The goal of this forum is to underscore that in many ways America’s story is the world’s story. The incredibly important role of diaspora communities in America’s success is well known. And I’ll shortly describe a few examples. But I also want to underscore that this is not a one-way street.

Diasporans are our grass-roots ambassadors. They offer unique expertise, insight, and personal commitment. They bring language and cultural familiarity with other parts of the world. They understand business opportunities and risks in their home countries. They are often members of large personal and professional networks with people of similar backgrounds. And they often return to their countries of origin to tell people there about America. When they do, they are widely seen as credible and enthusiastic ambassadors.

Just as importantly, they are uniquely motivated. For diaspora communities, diplomacy and development in their countries of origin are intrinsic and personal, not simply policy issues. Supporting higher living standards, economic growth, and political stability in their countries of origin or heritage is about helping their friends and families.

Remittances are one basic connection, and provide an important lifeline for millions of households around the globe. According to the Hudson Institute, in 2010, remittances from the United States to other countries totaled $95.8 billion. Diaspora communities also provide critical business linkages to global markets for countries that may be struggling to capture the benefits of globalization.

Diasporans are also important sources of innovation for America. In the United States, immigrant-owned companies generate an estimated $67 billion in business each year. Strikingly, immigrants are 30 percent more likely to form new businesses than U.S.-born citizens.

In 2011, we in the State Department launched the International Diaspora Engagement Alliance, a unique multi-stakeholder platform for partnership-building with diaspora communities. This platform harnesses the investment power of more than 1,500 diaspora groups to promote innovation, entrepreneurship, and philanthropy in their countries of heritage. It also seeks to strengthen our linkages in areas such as the sciences and medical research.

Diaspora Communities in the Sciences

U.S. universities have long attracted the best scientific, medical, and engineering talent from around the world and, through them, built partnerships to share and promote innovative ideas, medical cures, and cutting edge technology with their counterparts around the world. Albert Einstein, Andy Grove, and Sergey Brin are only three famous examples.

In the United States, a quarter of foreign-born workers with college degrees are employed in scientific and engineering professions. The medical profession benefits from similar numbers. From 1990 to 2004, almost half of U.S. Nobel laureates in science fields were immigrants. Many remain in close touch with their countries of origin, and are powerful multipliers for diplomacy, development, medicine, and science.

Nowhere is the role of diasporans more prominent than in Silicon Valley—the innovation capital of the world: 52 percent of all startups there have been founded by immigrants. Among U.S. technology companies founded between 1995 and 2005, 25 percent had a chief executive or lead technologist who was foreign-born. These companies generated $52 billion in revenue and employed 450,000 workers in 2005. So when anyone argues that immigration costs jobs for others, the facts demonstrate quite the opposite. Immigration, across many decades and generations, creates jobs for hundreds of thousands of people.

Let me cite a couple of examples to demonstrate the power of diaspora networks. First, I’d like to mention Dr. Wole Soboyejo, a Nigerian-American professor of mechanical and aerospace engineering at Princeton. He splits his time between research in the United States and his role as President of the African University of Science and Technology in Abuja. Investments like this in Nigeria’s engineering talent are facilitating cutting edge innovation that will benefit both Africa and the world. I am delighted that Dr. Soboyejo is with us today to share his story.

Another diaspora innovator is Aishwarya Ratan, who has worked on optimizing data entries for local microcredit co-ops in India and who presented on behavioral insights to financial inclusion at the Google “Solve for X” session yesterday. Her system holds tremendous promise in India and other developing countries. Indeed, microfinance co-ops serve 86 million households in India. Improving record keeping could help expand borrowing from banks. Ratan’s day job is Director of the Microsavings and Payments Innovation Initiative at Yale University.

Programs for Enhancing the Impact of Diaspora Networks

The cases of Dr. Soboyejo and Aishwarya Ratan show how, on a personal level, members of diaspora communities can make a difference.

There is also a lot of work underway at the State Department and USAID to facilitate connections between diaspora groups and increase their impact on development.

Last year at this forum, we announced a new initiative called Networks of Diasporas for Engineers and Scientists, or NODES—a partnership between the Department of State, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and the National Academy of Sciences. The basic idea is simple—to connect diaspora scientists across boundaries by fostering knowledge networks; the sharing of best practices; the identification of capacity-building tools; and the creation of links between professional societies, universities, NGOs, and government agencies at home and abroad.

In the past year, NODES convened scientists and diaspora groups from more than 30 countries at the nation’s largest scientific meeting and built a set of knowledge resources that we are sharing with this actively expanding network.

Many diaspora communities are also ramping up their programs to create positive change. In the past year, a number of diaspora communities have hosted conferences and diaspora forums. Among others, Jamaicans, Albanians, Haitians, and Guineans have recently held forums aimed at engaging and reorganizing their diaspora communities.

Governments are also getting into the act. Last July, under the leadership of my very good friend Dino Djalal, Indonesia’s outstanding Ambassador to the United States—who is present here today—the Indonesian Embassy organized the first-ever world Congress of Indonesian Diasporas in Los Angeles.

Diaspora Communities from the Middle East

The State Department has worked hard over the past couple of years to strengthen the links between the American diaspora communities from the Middle East countries in transition and their home countries. The numbers are large—there are, for example, nearly 200,000 Egyptians living in the U.S.

The potential of these diaspora communities is vast, and goes far beyond serving as a source for remittance flows, as important as they are. They offer critical sources of investment capital and business skills that the Middle East countries in transition need to tap in order to place themselves on a sustainable path to development.

Diaspora communities are also contributing by way of volunteerism. These communities volunteer their time and expertise. And we are currently thinking through ways to partner with various organizations to amplify volunteer efforts by diaspora communities from the Middle East in order to scale up and strengthen capacity-building in the region and across a number of key areas, including economic development and civil society.

There is a critical confidence aspect as well. We have encouraged the governments in the region to reach out to their diaspora communities to encourage them to do business and invest in their countries of origin. If they succeed, the impact on confidence could be large, as markets see the overseas investors most knowledgeable about these countries investing their funds.

In addition, scientific diasporas in the United States can be especially helpful in maintaining contacts with scientific communities in their countries of origin. For example, there are 470,000 Iranians living in the U.S. The Iranian diaspora have contributed significantly to the U.S. National Academy of Sciences’ workshops that have taken place over the past decade in conjunction with the Iranian scientific community.

These workshops have covered topics of benefit to both countries, including food-borne diseases, water conservation reuse and recycling, ecology of the Caspian Sea, drought forecasting and management, and improving earthquake mitigation. Moreover, the premier scientific and technological university in Iran has more alumni in California than in any other part of the world. This is one of the most meaningful ways of maintaining links between the United States and Iran today.

In addition, our Global Innovation through Science and Technology initiative leverages diaspora members to serve as mentors and experts. Individuals such as Faysal Sohail, a venture capitalist with ties to Saudi Arabia, provide advice and guidance to aspiring young entrepreneurs from the Middle East, as well as Africa and Asia.

Conclusion

Deepening and expanding diaspora networks can do much to make America a more responsive and effective leader around the world. We can develop stronger bonds with other nations—through their civil societies, business leaders, religious communities, women, and minorities.

This Forum is a celebration of America’s diaspora communities. It is our hope that by bringing you together, we will create new opportunities for partnerships with the private sector, civil society, and public institutions in order to make your engagements with your countries of origin or heritage effective, scalable, and sustainable.

When I walk down the streets in my other home city—New York City—as I love to do, and did last Sunday with a very good friend of mine, I am always proud to see so many people from different countries, cultures, and ethnicities living together and working together. It makes me proud that America attracts and welcomes so many people from other parts of the world. We should celebrate our diversity, because that is what in many ways makes us Americans.

It also makes me proud when I see the contributions that wave after wave of immigrants have made.

And, for America to remain the world’s beacon, as well as its most dynamic economy and society, we need to keep our doors open and be a land of opportunity for all. We need to invite, welcome, and honor those from around the world who want to come here for a new life; who want to build new businesses, engage in the creation of new technologies, and contribute to our medical science; and who want to work hard and to make our nation a better place for themselves and their children. So many before them have done this, and it is in our nation’s interest that more people have the opportunity as well.

On behalf of State Department, I welcome your ideas and your support in this growing partnership, and warmly welcome you to this Forum. I thank you for coming and for your leadership, energy, commitment, and contributions to America.

Thank you.

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Remarks at Fourth Yale-TERI Energy Summit

Thanks so much for the opportunity to speak to this distinguished audience. Yale and TERI’s partnership – and leadership – to advance clean and innovative energy solutions has made this a vital forum for sharing new ideas and casting an ambitious vision for the future. TERI’s focus on clean energy solutions dates back to the mid-1970s, which turned out to be very prescient. Today, clean energy is at the center of our thinking on powering the economies of the future.

I’d like to extend special thanks to all of the CEOs and other business leaders here today. Your passion and ingenuity are central to the United States’ and India’s quest to help grow mutually beneficial clean energy ecosystems.

Ladies and gentleman, it’s a remarkable time to be engaged in a discussion about clean energy. We’ve recently seen enormous changes in the global energy landscape. And the nexus between energy and the environment is more relevant than ever.

The United States has four key priorities related to the future of energy use. Not coincidentally, each dovetail with our clean energy goals.

• First, we will maintain our commitment to renewable energy – wind, solar, geothermal, and hydro – and put a premium on new innovation and technological advances;
• Second, we will harness the “natural gas revolution” in the United States to meet our own energy needs as an intermediate or “bridge fuel” opportunity;
• Third, we will continue to pursue the highest environmental standards, in the spirit of the Clean Air Act and other efforts to limit harmful emissions; and
• Fourth, we will use existing energy more efficiently – in essence, to get more bang for our buck. That isn’t just good public policy, it makes good business sense.

There’s no doubt that our private sectors have a critical role to play in achieving these ambitious goals. But our governments have a responsibility to help foster the right environment for innovation; we must ensure that nothing stands in the way of quickly taking the best ideas conceived from Hyderabad to Houston, from Madhya Pradesh to Massachusetts, to the broadest possible market.

Simply put, governments must create policies that allow our companies to work together seamlessly. That means avoiding policies that hinder innovation, such as subsidies to local producers, measures that favor indigenous over foreign companies, or technology transfer requirements as a pre-condition for market access. We’re discussing these issues with our Indian friends through bilateral engagements like these like the Clean Energy Ministerial and the U.S.-India Energy Dialogue.

We are also expanding our bilateral cooperation on clean energy through the U.S.-India Partnership to Advance Clean Energy, or PACE, which has mobilized over $1.7 billion dollars to finance clean energy initiatives. In addition, a $125 million public-private joint research center is being created that will be led by 95 government, research, and private organizations.

President Obama is taking a leadership role in these efforts. He recently called on Congress to establish an “Energy Security Trust,” which would fund groundbreaking research focused on cost-effective technologies – like electric vehicles, homegrown biofuels, fuel cells, and domestically-produced natural gas.

We are also talking to the Government of India at all levels about energy issues – from the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy to the Ministry of External Affairs and the Prime Minister’s Office. When we hold the U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue this summer, clean energy cooperation will be a key part of the agenda.

We have much to be optimistic about. Clean energy technology is cheaper than it has ever been – according to one report photo-voltaic module prices are down 80% percent since 2008, and 20% just in the last year. In 2012 alone, a whopping 88 gigawatts of new clean energy capacity became available around the world, more than half of that from the wind sector.

Energy and climate change issues are important not just for our partnership with India, but for our broader strategy for the region. We believe that collaboration in this area can drive broader cooperation and economic connectivity, to help make the region more secure and prosperous. That’s why we’ve been such a strong supporter of regional energy and economic integration efforts to significantly increase economic connectivity across Asia.

USAID’s South Asia Regional Initiative for Energy Integration program, for example, facilitates cross-border energy trade, expand access to clean energy, and build power-sector capacity to integrate energy supplies across the entire region.

And we’ve been strong advocates for the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India gas pipeline, or TAPI, which stands to bring enormous energy relief to a region still saddled with aging coal generation facilities and inefficient power generation methods. Today, more than half of India’s power comes from coal. TAPI would help shift the region away from carbon-based energy sources and could allow for unprecedented cooperation and commercial synergy.

These efforts are creating new opportunities to expand clean energy generation, which many never thought possible. The key to their success, of course, is you – the entrepreneurs and innovators. I can’t wait to see what you will come up with next, and we stand ready to work together toward a cleaner and more prosperous future. Thank you.

The Office of Website Management, Bureau of Public Affairs, manages this site as a portal for information from the U.S. State Department.
External links to other Internet sites should not be construed as an endorsement of the views or privacy policies contained therein.