Remarks by Ambassador James W. Pardew on Mediation and the Role of Member States, UN General Assembly, May 23, 2012

Ambassador James W. Pardew

New York, NY

May 25, 2012

AS DELIVERED

Thank you Mr. President for organizing today’s important discussion on the role of member nations in high level mediation of potential or ongoing conflicts. I am honored to have the opportunity to share my views on a topic so fundamental to the success of this great institution and to world peace.

My remarks this morning draw from my personal experiences in two recent conflicts in the Balkans. In the first, I served as a senior member of the US negotiating team led by Ambassador Richard Holbrooke which negotiated the Dayton Agreement ending the war in Bosnia and Herzogovina in 1995. In the second, I was appointed the senior US diplomat in the successful US-European Union effort to assist local political leaders in completing the Ohrid Agreement which prevented a costly and destructive civil war in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia in 2001.

Each of these experiences was unique, and both involved the participation of an American diplomat as a primary representative of the nation and the international community in a process to prevent or end a conflict with broad regional consequences. In Bosnia, the war and the international engagement there was ongoing; Macedonia, on the other hand, was a smoldering conflict about to explode into civil war.

While the context of each situation was unique, I will share with you some personal observations which could be relevant to future conflict mediation in general. My goal today is to identify a personal view on some common practical elements which I feel can help achieve a successful diplomatic outcome.

To me, the most important factor in the mediation of a conflict is the underlying will of the parties to reach a solution in which compromises are required of all sides. If the parties are inflexible in their positions and unwilling to make compromise, the negotiations are unlikely to succeed no matter the skill of the mediator or the logic of the proposed solution. In both Bosnia and Macedonia, the parties, after considerable, often difficult diplomatic effort, made the compromises necessary to reach an agreement.

The will to achieve a settlement may not be clear at the beginning of the mediation process. However, the mediator can be a positive influence on the will of the parties to negotiate. Often, the international mediator can effectively identify the practical benefits to the parties of success and the potential negative consequences of failure of a negotiation. Benefits and consequences cannot guarantee success, but a clear understanding of them by the parties gives the international mediator some critical leverage to make success in the process much more likely. Further, if the mediator has incentives available to influence a settlement, his or her position is strengthened considerably.

I do not believe that a universal formula exists to determine whether an international organization, one nation or a group of them should lead in the mediation of a conflict. Certainly, the United Nations and other regional organizations and interested nations have important roles to play, but who leads the mediation effort can be determined through international consultation depending on the circumstances at the time.

What is critical, however, is unity of effort. The international community must stand firmly behind a single mediating process once a lead organization or nation is identified. A fragmented effort is far less likely to succeed than a unified effort.

Conflict resolution also has a personal dimension that is important to the process. The international figure assisting in finding a solution to end or prevent a conflict must develop the trust and confidence of the parties to the conflict that the process can lead to a successful conclusion. Part of that dynamic is the authority of the mediator and support given by his or her government or international institution. The mediator must be considered as fair and objective by the parties and must understand the key variables in the situation, listen carefully, define the critical issue for resolution and constantly find ways to move the process to completion.

Continuous, active and fair engagement is important to developing this trust with the parties. In both Bosnia and Macedonia, the negotiating process was almost constant until a settlement was achieved. This concentration of active engagement may not always be possible, but when it can be achieved, it gives momentum to the process and is more likely to produce success than a process which has long periods of inactivity.

The mediator in conflict resolution needs a strategy to move the process to a successful conclusion. Simply bringing the parties together in hopes of finding a settlement is too passive to be an effective strategy in most cases. I believe in a more activist approach for the mediator. Fairly early in the process, the mediator needs to have a personal vision of the how the issues can be resolved, what a successful outcome might look like and the general path to that objective.

A strategy cannot be rigid, however. As Ambassador Holbrooke notably said, “Diplomacy is like jazz. It is a variation on a theme,” and that is certainly true in conflict mediation. While keeping intense focus on the ultimate goal and avoiding distractions, the mediator must be flexible enough to adjust the strategy to get around obstacles and seize opportunities presented by the process. The mediator also can seek to influence the pace and intensity of the talks to help maintain a positive momentum toward a solution.

Bringing any mediation to closure—reaching an agreement accepted by the parties—is the most difficult and the most critical step in the process. Often personal passions are high, various pressure groups may be lobbying the parties hard to prevent an agreement, and the political consequences of an agreement may seem very risky for the parties. It is this final step which also is daunting for the mediator

This is the point when support from relevant international organizations and national capitals can be critical to closing an agreement. Strong psychological support and incentives to complete the agreement presented to the parties at the right moment can give them the confidence and motivation they need to bring the mediation process to completion. International endorsement of the agreement also gives it legitimacy which can be critical to the parties in their domestic environment.

Once concluded, the agreement belongs to the parties, not the mediator or the international organization or nation the mediator represents. Ultimately, the parties to the conflict must be responsible for their agreement and its full implementation.

To complete an agreement which affects the future of the nation and the region can require courage, sacrifice and a vision of the future by the leaders who sign it. When appropriate, they should be recognized for this because in the end, it is their accomplishment.

Finally, any settlement negotiated and completed under the pressure of war or potential war will be imperfect. The first priority of the mediator is prevention or termination of war. Perfection is a secondary consideration. With these natural imperfections, implementation of these agreements requires international engagement for years after the success of the mediation.

Again, thank you Mr. President for your leadership on a topic so vital to the prevention and termination of regional conflicts; and thank you, ladies and gentlemen, for your attention.

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Statement by Ambassador Susan E. Rice, U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations, on the Selection of U.S. Army Brig. Gen. Hugh Van Roosen to be Chief of Staff of the UN Mission in Liberia

Susan E. Rice
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 
U.S. Mission to the United Nations 

New York, NY

May 22, 2012

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

The selection of U.S. Army Brigadier General Hugh Van Roosen to be Chief of Staff of the UN Mission in Liberia is a milestone in our nation’s longstanding commitment to international peacekeeping and friendship with the Liberian people. BG Van Roosen has extensive service in multinational environments and participated recently in the UN’s Senior Mission Leaders Course. He will now play a key role in UNMIL as it gradually hands over responsibility for domestic security to Liberia’s government.

UN Missions rely on highly experienced officers to succeed, and we are proud that such a highly decorated U.S. general officer will now help lead UNMIL. The United States congratulates BG Van Roosen on his new mission and honors all who risk their lives daily in the service of peace.

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Statement by Ambassador Susan E. Rice, U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations, on International Day against Homophobia and Transphobia, May 17, 2012

Susan E. Rice
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 
U.S. Mission to the United Nations 

New York, NY

May 17, 2012

On International Day against Homophobia and Transphobia, we celebrate human diversity and rededicate ourselves to a basic but essential truth—that human rights are universal and must be protected. To our lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender friends and relatives around the world: the United States stands with you in your struggle against discrimination. We will continue to do everything we can, in every arena possible, to promote communities and societies in which all people can live safely and love without fear.

Since 2009, the Obama Administration has taken unprecedented steps at the United Nations to fight discrimination and eliminate barriers to equality for LGBT individuals. Months ago, President Obama outlined a formal policy of international engagement to ensure that our dedication to LGBT human rights does not stop at our national borders, reflecting his belief that “no country should deny people their rights because of who they love, which is why we must stand up for the rights of gays and lesbians everywhere.”

We are proud to lead by example, but the quest for human equality and dignity is not simply an American challenge. Today, we call on all nations and all peoples to join us in ensuring that human rights are universally protected.

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Remarks by Ambassador Susan E. Rice, Permanent Representative of the United States to the United Nations, at a Press Gaggle on Sudan and Syria, May 16, 2012

Susan E. Rice
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 
U.S. Mission to the United Nations 

New York, NY

May 16, 2012

AS DELIVERED

Reporter: Today’s the deadline date for Sudan, for them to come to the talks. And they haven’t been to the talks.

Ambassador Rice: They’re not there yet.

Reporter: No.

Ambassador Rice: We got what I would characterize as a mixed assessment from Haile Menkerios on the compliance with the various provisions of Resolution 2046. On the positive side, the level of violence seems to have dropped significantly, particularly over the last week to ten days, including no more aerial bombardments since the 5^th or the 6^th of May. Although they remained poised—locked and loaded, one might say—on the various parts of the border. The decision of South Sudan to withdraw its police forces from Abyei, which has been verified and completed, is a very positive step. It’s very important—and all Council members were united in insisting—that Sudan withdraw its forces immediately and unconditionally. The return to the table is obviously a very important part of this, and Mbeki and Menkerios and others are in the region talking to both parties, trying to facilitate a return to the table. It is frankly not a surprise that it will not happen necessarily on the day we decree, but the aim is that it happen as soon as possible without any further delay and do so consistent with the work that Mbkei and Menkerios as trying to do.

Reporter: So because of the mixed signals, then you’re holding back from any immediate action?

Ambassador Rice: Well, I think that frankly this was the first assessment provided to the Council. It’s important that we have a common baseline understanding of what’s going on. The aim of the resolution was not to punish. That wasn’t the objective, although it provided for that potentially. The aim is for the parties to stop fighting and to return to the table, and while not everything that has been demanded by the Council has been fully complied with, the situation today is somewhat better than it was two weeks ago when the resolution was passed.

Reporter: So you’re going to give them some more time?

Ambassador Rice: It’s not a matter of giving them time. It’s a matter of accomplishing the tasks in the resolution, putting maximum pressure on the parties to do that. They know what their obligations are, and we’re supporting all the efforts of Menkerios and Mbeki to accomplish that.

Reporter: What about talks with SPLM-North? I’m sorry if you’ve addressed this, but Sudan has said that they don’t they think the resolution can force them—they’ve said that no one can make them talk to SPLM-North about Southern Kordofan?

Ambassador Rice: Well, the resolution makes clear that this is part of the African Union Roadmap, and it is a requirement. The reality is that, as we all agree in there, it is impossible to separate what is happening from Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile from the larger conflict between North and South. And the North would be wise to return to the table with the SPLM-North, to allow humanitarian access, which was discussed in there as a matter of enormous urgency given the onslaught of the rainy season. And the North needs to know—and the SPLM-North needs to know—that they have obligations in this regard under the resolution.

Reporter: Ambassador, quickly on Syria. A growing concern about the monitors, several near misses now. You’ve said you may not wait the 90 days if you’re not—if they don’t have free movement, if you’re not happy with how the mission is going.

Ambassador Rice: There are kind of different issues here. One is the very worrying recent spate of attacks in and around the monitors—whether they were the targets or not is not always easy to determine. The other is the extent to which the government or the opposition are actively obstructing their freedom of movement. I think those are two different things. But clearly we’re concerned for the safety of the monitors—that was one of the issues we were most mindful of in the decision to deploy unarmed monitors into what was clearly not a cessation of violence. And so we’ll continue to monitor it carefully.

Reporter: But how can they monitor a cessation if it’s not there?

Ambassador Rice: They are not. It is not there. But violence has come down somewhat, and that needs to be acknowledged.

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Remarks by Ambassador Susan E. Rice, Permanent Representative of the United States to the United Nations, at the Security Council Briefing on Libya (ICC), May 16, 2012

Susan E. Rice
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 
U.S. Mission to the United Nations 

New York, NY

May 16, 2012

AS DELIVERED

Thank you, Mr. President. I would like to thank the Prosecutor for his briefing on the work of his office and actions taken pursuant to Resolution 1970.

As we have consistently noted, Resolution 1970 and its referral of the situation in Libya to the International Criminal Court represented an historic milestone in the fight against impunity. The Security Council’s unanimous decision to refer the situation underscores the importance of the role of justice and accountability in the resolution of conflicts and the maintenance of international peace and security. The referral has served to keep accountability and rule of law as key elements of Libya’s transition to a peaceful and democratic future.

We are pleased with the Prosecutor’s report that his Office has received a high degree of cooperation from a variety of States and other actors in response to requests for assistance from the ICC.

As the Prosecutor described in his report, Libya recently filed an admissibility challenge with the Court on the grounds that it is actively investigating Saif al-Islam Qadhafi for the same and different crimes as the ICC. Libya also detailed the steps it has taken to conduct that investigation and its stated commitment to adhere to international standards in the process.

This is an important moment both for Libya and for the Court. The Rome Statute of the ICC is predicated on a system of complementary justice, and it contains provisions to deal with situations in which a State with jurisdiction wishes to pursue charges itself. In this regard, we are encouraged by the Prosecutor’s report of the ongoing cooperation his office has received from Libya. That said, as the Prosecutor notes, ultimately it will be for the judges to decide whether to defer to Libyan proceedings.

As the ICC proceedings move forward, we will continue to encourage the government of Libya to maintain its cooperation with the Court and to adhere to its international obligations, including under Resolution 1970. In addition, we continue to emphasize that it is critical that Libya take all necessary steps to ensure the detention and any further domestic proceedings against Saif al-Islam fully comply with Libya’s international obligations.

Moreover, there is much work to be done domestically in Libya not only to account for the grave crimes committed in the past but also to ensure a functioning justice system for the future.

It is vital that Libya build a fair and credible criminal justice system that guarantees humane treatment and due process and conforms to Libya’s international human rights obligations. We agree with the Prosecutor that the Government of Libya faces critical challenges in assuming custody over the thousands of detainees that continue to be held by militias or local authorities and in arranging for the expeditious release or adjudication of their cases. The international community should respond to the needs of the Libyan government as it approaches this significant administrative, logistical, and judicial task.

We are deeply concerned by the patterns of rape documented by the International Commission of Inquiry, as highlighted in the Prosecutor’s report. For the sake of the individual victims and in order to achieve a lasting and inclusive peace in Libya, sexual and gender-based violent crimes must not go unpunished.

It will be important to ensure that there is accountability for violations and abuses of applicable laws committed in Libya on all sides, including for alleged attacks committed against civilians for their perceived loyalties to the Qadhafi regime. Impunity for such crimes cannot be reconciled with respect for human rights and the rule of law. Independent and impartial investigations of all alleged crimes will be a critical part of the effort to create an inclusive, democratic state in which all Libyans, of all backgrounds, have a future and an opportunity to participate in the rebuilding of their country.

We are pleased to hear that the Government is working on a comprehensive strategy to address these issues and support the Ministry of Justice’s expressed commitment to justice sector reforms. We welcome the government of Libya’s statements in its submissions to the ICC that it is receptive to assistance and support from the international community in this important work. We are working with UNSMIL and the international community to assist the Libyan authorities in addressing these justice sector reform goals.

Thank you, Mr. President.

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Remarks by Ambassador Jeffrey DeLaurentis, U.S. Ambassador and Alternate Representative for Special Political Affairs, at a Security Council Open Debate on Kosovo, May 14, 2012

Jeffrey DeLaurentis
United States  Ambassador and Alternate Representative for Special Political Affairs  to United States
U.S. Mission to the United Nations 

New York, NY

May 14, 2012

AS DELIVERED

Thank you, Mr. President. Thank you, Special Representative Zarif for your briefing. I would like to welcome both Foreign Minister Hoxhaj and Foreign Minister Jeremic back to the Council and thank them for sharing their perspectives with us.

Mr. President, I would like to make four main points today.

First, the United States welcomes the peaceful participation by dual nationals in Serbian presidential and parliamentary elections in Kosovo on May 6, and we look forward to an equally incident-free second round on May 20. Kosovo’s and Serbia’s coordination with the OSCE, which allowed dual nationals to exercise their right to vote without infringing on Kosovo's sovereignty, demonstrated how both countries can effectively work with the international community to overcome political differences. Going forward, this successful cooperation should serve as a model for future peaceful elections, and promote the development of democratic institutions in the greater region. We are hopeful that both governments will use this practical approach to discuss ongoing problems in northern Kosovo over the coming months. We also welcome that Serbian authorities dismissed as illegitimate local elections held in northern Kosovo.

Second, we echo the Secretary-General’s hope for a “normalization of relations” between Pristina and Belgrade. It is time for this long-standing problem to end. The United States continues to reject any action that would undermine Kosovo’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Government of Serbia's ongoing support for illegal parallel structures and Serbian security forces in northern Kosovo remains a barrier to progress. We call on Belgrade to remove its security forces from Kosovo immediately and call for the implementation of all agreements the parties have reached thus far in the course of the EU-facilitated Dialogue. We express concern over the difficulties implementing the EU Regional Representation and Cooperation Agreement and hope that both governments use this opportunity to participate fully in regional fora. We congratulate Serbia on its selection as an EU candidate nation and Kosovo on its Feasibility Study for an EU Stabilization and Association Agreement, which is underway. Both nations are making good progress on the road to European integration.

Third, we note that, unfortunately, freedom of movement within Kosovo remains hampered. While we welcome the news that Gates 1 and 31 reopened during the reporting period, we also note that EULEX must continue to transport Kosovo police and customs officers by air to those gates, only because northern Kosovo Serbs continue to deny EULEX full and unconditional freedom of movement. KFOR has also been denied full freedom of movement. We look to Serbia to cooperate with KFOR and EULEX to restore complete freedom of movement for all people and to support KFOR's efforts to restore and maintain a safe and secure environment. All parties wishing to promote law and order along the border must provide full, unhindered support.

Finally, Mr. President, the United States takes seriously all allegations of serious crimes committed in the region, including in connection with the 1999 conflict. We welcome Albania’s cooperation with EULEX’s ongoing investigation into these allegations, as underscored by the Albanian Parliament’s adoption of legislation in this regard last week. We again underline our full support for EULEX’s work and the progress made by the Special Investigative Task Force (SITF) under the leadership of Mr. Clint Williamson. Let me also say that any attempts to politicize the investigation or duplicate its efforts do a disservice to the alleged victims and their families and risk calling into question the impartiality of any decisions reached.

Mr. President, the United States stands with the international community in our commitment to long-term peace and stability for Kosovo and for the entire Balkan region. Kosovo's progress towards developing a plan to implement Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security is but one example of how seriously Kosovo is taking its obligations as a sovereign state and responsible member of the international community. The OSCE's facilitation of voting in the May 6 Serbian presidential and parliamentary elections, and the upcoming second-round May 20 presidential elections in Kosovo, is yet another example of how international, multilateral institutions are effectively promoting peace, stability, and reconciliation in the region. We look forward to seeing both Serbia and Kosovo continue on their paths toward full cooperation and European and Euro-Atlantic integration.

Thank you, Mr. President.

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Remarks by Ambassador Susan E. Rice, U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations, at a Security Council Briefing on Somalia, May 15, 2012

Susan E. Rice
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 
U.S. Mission to the United Nations 

New York, NY

May 15, 2012

AS DELIVERED

Thank you, Mr. President, thank you, Special Representative Mahiga, for your briefing, and welcome, President Sharif.

Somalia stands at a critical moment in its history. One year ago, al-Shabaab controlled and terrorized large swaths of Somalia, millions were at risk of starvation, and the country’s leaders focused more on feuding amongst themselves than working to improve the condition of the Somali people. One year ago, in Nairobi, this Council delivered a blunt message to the TFG that it risked losing international support, if it did not get its act together and resolve its differences.

Today, Somalia is in a different and better place. But significant challenges lie ahead. The mandate of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) comes to an end in August 2012. Any delay or backsliding in implementing the transition is totally unacceptable. Somalia and the wider region cannot afford to revert to the endless cycles of violence and suffering that have plagued the country and threatened the region for decades.

There are, encouragingly, signs of promise for the country and its people. For the first time in a generation, Somalia has a solid plan for creating a functional state, and the conditions for its implementation continue to ripen. In the last few months, the TFG as well as other Roadmap signatories and the international community have taken important steps to implement the Roadmap to End the Transition, as defined by the Garowe Principles. A draft constitution has been circulated to the Roadmap signatories. Elders have been selected to appoint delegates to the Constituent Assembly and are meeting now to do so.

The security situation across the country has also improved. Areas on the outskirts of Mogadishu and the key cities of Beledweyne, Baidoa, and Huddur in southwestern Somalia have recently been liberated from al-Shabaab. The United States commends AMISOM and the Somali National Security forces for their significant military achievements and security gains. The sacrifices made by AMISOM and Somali troops are testament to their will and dedication to bring peace and stability to Somalia. Reflecting the improved security situation, the UN Political Office for Somalia has returned to Mogadishu. And though the humanitarian situation remains extremely fragile, thanks to the actions of UN humanitarian agencies and NGOs and the generosity of the international community, the famine has substantially abated.

The unanimous adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 2036 on February 22 this year, followed by the London Conference on Somalia, demonstrated the strong and unified commitment of the international community to Somalia’s future. The United States welcomes the upcoming Second Istanbul Conference on Somalia, which should push the political transition process further towards completion.

While Somalis, with international support, have made progress, we cannot afford to lose momentum. Critical and difficult work remains and the Somali people will hold the TFG, Roadmap signatories, and other stakeholders accountable for meeting the transition timetable. As the London Conference declared in February, the Kampala Accord deadline is firm: there must be no extension of the TFG’s mandate beyond August 20. The Constituent Assembly should convene to consider and adopt the interim constitution, setting the stage for other important steps, including the appointment of a new, smaller parliament and indirect elections of a speaker and president. Informing Somalis about the draft constitution and the Roadmap implementation process is fundamental to their ultimate success. But, as the Secretary General observes in his report, approval of the interim constitution by the Constituent Assembly will be the beginning, not the end, of the process.

Having noted some of the important progress achieved since this Council visited the region, let me now turn to the significant challenges ahead for Somalia. As we were tragically reminded only two weeks ago by the suicide attack against a parliamentary delegation in Dhusamareb and last month by the suicide bombing at the National Theater, al-Shabaab remains a major threat to the stability of Somalia. Its shocking and ruthless attacks on innocent civilians and its ongoing ban on 17 humanitarian organizations demonstrate its total disregard for the Somali people and disregard for human life. The United States condemns all al-Shabaab terrorist attacks that kill government officials and innocent civilians alike.

Because al-Shabaab will continue to perpetrate terrorism and exploit any opening to sow instability and derail progress in Somalia, expanding security and preventing al-Shabaab from regaining a foothold in stabilized areas is paramount. This requires AMISOM to be fully staffed so that it can fulfil its mandate. The African Union and additional troop contributors should quickly reach agreement on AMISOM’s Concept of Operations. Failure to do so will not only reflect negatively on AMISOM and the African Union, but worse, undermine the security of the Somali people. Moreover, Somali National Security Forces will figure prominently in expanded AMISOM operations, but are hampered by supply shortages and gaps in logistics capacity. Since 2007, the United States has contributed over $106 million to strengthen the Somali security sector. We urge all member states, especially new donors, to help the Somali people take the lead in providing for their own security and to coordinate bilateral support through the TFG-UN-AU co-chaired Joint Security Committee.

Continuing to pressure al-Shabaab and strengthening national and international security forces is necessary but not sufficient for lasting stability in Somalia. Criminal activity that finances terrorism, undermines domestic governance, and distorts the local economy must be addressed as well. In this regard, the United States strongly supports the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia and will continue working with international partners and Somali leaders to end to the scourge of piracy. Similarly, kidnapping for ransom imperils Somalia’s progress and poses an increasing threat to all nations and their citizens. We must work together to strengthen law enforcement and other capacities to prevent hostage-takings and ensure that hostage takers cannot obtain ransoms.

Finally, although the United Nations declared the end of the famine in Somalia in February, the humanitarian situation in southern and central Somalia remains precarious. More than 2.5 million Somalis still need emergency assistance. There are over 980,000 Somali refugees, some of whom have lived in exile for over 20 years. We commend Kenya, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Yemen, and other countries in the region for hosting Somali refugees. Since 2011, the United States has committed $1.1 billion to the humanitarian emergency in the Horn of Africa, including more than $260 million expressly for Somalia. The international community must do more to provide immediate life-saving assistance, address the long-term needs of refugees, internally displaced persons, and others affected by drought and conflict, and to build capacity in the region to mitigate the impact of future shocks that we know will come. Millions of lives are at stake.

Mr. President, I want to reiterate our strong support for AMISOM and commitment to work with the international community to help Somalia face these challenges and realize a brighter future. International support, however, cannot be taken for granted. During the next four months, we have a unique opportunity to ensure that Somalia concludes its transition on time, but the onus remains on Somalia’s leaders to seize this moment and establish a strong foundation for peace and stability. The people of Somalia, who have suffered too long, deserve nothing less.

Thank you, Mr. President.

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Commencement Address by Ambassador Susan E. Rice, U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations, at the University of Miami in Coral Gables, Florida

Susan E. Rice
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 
U.S. Mission to the United Nations 

Coral Gables, FL

May 11, 2012

AS PREPARED

Good evening, everyone!

Thank you, Ambassador Cobb, for that kind introduction. Let’s hear it for President Shalala. Thank you for your distinguished service to our country and your extraordinary leadership of the University of Miami.

I’m truly honored to be here. And I’m hoping that if my speech is good enough, someone will invite me to the Rat.

This is an amazing university. It’s hard to think of another school in America whose reputation has soared as high as the University of Miami’s over the past twenty years. That’s a tribute to President Shalala, to President Foote before her, and to this vibrant, diverse student body.

Your university has had the great fortune to be led by visionaries. And you are the result: graduates who are fired up and ready to take on the world.

Over the past four years, you’ve grappled with the great mysteries…like what the Iron Arrow Society is. You’ve confronted the painful parts of your heritage…like getting robbed at Tempe. You’ve coped with great hardships…like living in Pearson. And you’ve confronted great challenges…like all those comebacks against the Seminoles.

So congratulations class of 2012! You’ve achieved something enormous. I hope you’re feeling proud of yourselves. I know the rest of us are.

Let’s also hear it for the parents out there. My kids are old enough for me to know that it has not been easy for the Moms and Dads either. They’ve made big sacrifices to invest in your future. I hope you’ll always remember that — and don’t forget to call your mother.

Now, I remember my own commencement. Kind of. But I don’t remember much about the commencement speech. In fact, as President Shalala has said, “Commencement speakers should think of themselves as the body at an Irish wake. They need you in order to have the party, but nobody expects you to say much.”

Even so, tonight, as you relish your accomplishments, I want you to think about what lies ahead for you and the world you’ll shape.

You are graduating at a moment of furious change and enormous potential. And, time after time, the engine of that change has been your generation.

Think of the Arab Awakening. Powered by vision and daring, linked by technology and social networks, young people from Tunisia to Libya, from Egypt to Syria rose up to reject authoritarian regimes. Enough, they said. Enough repression. Enough unemployment. Enough corruption. Enough of the tyrants who use brutal force against their people.

They did not just want change. They demanded it. And they made it happen.

I will never forget visiting Benghazi, Libya, last November. Just months earlier, Qaddafi’s forces had been at the city’s gates, and he vowed to lay it to waste. Now Benghazi is free. I met the rappers who created the beat of the revolution. I met the young poets, cartoonists, and bloggers who dared defy Qaddafi. I met the young engineers who rewired the phone system for eastern Libya so that Qaddafi’s henchmen could no longer intercept the rebels’ calls.

I met the parents of a fearless young journalist named Muhammad Nabbous who sacrificed his life to free his country. Together, they have all planted the seeds of what they now call “Free Libya.”

In Libya, as throughout the Arab world, their ultimate success may not yet be assured. But these young people have tried mightily. And they are not about to stop now.

Like so many before them, these young people are inspired by the universal yearning to be free. As Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. said, “There is something in the soul that cries out for freedom.” Every person—no matter her religion, race, sexual orientation, gender or culture—shares that innate hunger, that irrepressible impulse to demand the human rights we all share.

As Americans, we have embraced this profound demand for freedom and human dignity. Our history defines it. Our principles demand it. And our security depends on it.

Some argue that we can’t place our ideals over our interests. But let’s be clear: our national interests are advanced by our ideals. That is because free societies, democratic societies, are ultimately more prosperous, more peaceful, more just, and thus more stable. And that is because our ideals define who we are as a people, and the role that the United States plays as a leader in the world.

The practice of liberty is the work of each generation, but the principle of liberty was present at our creation. And each new generation of Americans has pushed to enlarge our freedom, because that is the American way.

Now, that imperative falls to you.

As you know, the University of Miami was an all-white school until January 1961, when the school’s board bravely decided to admit students regardless of race. In part, the inspiration for integration came from outside Florida – from our neighbors to the south, born like us out of the revolt against colonial rule. Even in 1961, this university’s leaders looked at our diversity and saw that our future lay not in limiting freedom; it lay in expanding freedom.

In my time, an elderly political prisoner named Nelson Mandela walked down the path of reconciliation and ended apartheid in South Africa. In 1989, the yearning for freedom ended a Cold War that split the globe for more than forty years. Yes, we knew communism could not deliver. We knew that half a world could not remain shackled forever, but still it sometimes felt like the world would never change.

And then suddenly it did. Old leaders gave way. A wall cracked. You can rarely predict when such a crack will emerge and how large it will become. But today, we stand again at such a hinge in history. And we all must do our part.

Your generation is already producing its own heroes. I remember, especially, a young Iranian woman named Neda who was murdered by the regime in June 2009, as it stole an election and crushed peaceful protests. Neda and other young Iranians risked it all, and their movement did not succeed – not yet. But their bravery inspired young people in nations nearby. And everything that has happened since must make the tyrants in Tehran shudder.

History changed when a produce seller in a quiet Tunisian city got fed up with police harassment and burned himself to death. His desperate deed sparked protests across Tunisia that ended decades of dictatorship in just four weeks.

Then, young people in Egypt flooded into Tahrir Square. Ordinary citizens rallied in Pearl Roundabout in Bahrain and in the streets of Yemen. Schoolchildren watched the revolutions on television in Deraa, Syria, then rushed out to paint graffiti demanding their own tyrant go. And revolution came to Syria.

We do not know how all this will turn out. We cannot expect the immediate future to be smooth or easy; indeed, it will not be. The advance of democracy is rarely linear or swift, as our own history shows. But liberty is always the wise long-term bet. A freer world is a more secure world.

Before he became president, Barack Obama put it this way: “The institutions of democracy – free markets, a free press, a strong civil society – cannot be built overnight, and they cannot be built at the end of a barrel of a gun. And so we must realize that the freedoms FDR once spoke of – especially freedom from want and freedom from fear – do not just come from deposing a tyrant and handing out ballots; they are only realized once the personal and material security of a people is ensured as well.” In short, we need a world freer both from want and tyranny. To improve security at home, we must improve lives around the world.

Your generation gets this. Think of all those social networking tools that your parents can’t stand or don’t really understand – like Facebook, YouTube, Skype, and Twitter. They have revolutionized dissent by allowing protestors to organize without being exposed. Technology powers political change by making local struggles instantly global.

Across the globe, change is being driven by people like yourselves—people like you, but with much less than you: less freedom, less security, less opportunity than we enjoy in the United States. So you must do your part. It is in the American tradition and in the American interest that such profound change must also be driven by you.

The challenges we face here in the U.S. are different but no less worthy. We need you to question, to participate, to innovate, to serve, and to demand the full measure of freedom and opportunity that our founders promise. We need you to lead.

So start by asking yourself: What kind of America do you want to live in when your own kids are graduating from college?

Is it an America where men and women actually earn the same pay for the same day’s work? Is it an America where whom you love and choose to marry is no longer fodder for political debate? Is it an America where chronic illness cannot lead to chronic poverty?

Is it an America where college is accessible and affordable for all? Is it an America where we produce the energy we consume, and the energy we consume no longer threatens our climate? Is it an America with more and more good jobs that continues to export and innovate so that our economy remains the world’s leader?

Whatever your vision is, lead in making it real.

As President Obama has said, “Ours is a story of optimism and achievement and constant striving that is unique upon this Earth. And that is why the rest of the world looks to us to lead.”

Precisely because you have so much, now including this great University of Miami education, you have so much to give. The great challenges America faces will not be met without you, just as the great challenges our world faces will not be met without America. So shape our great nation and shape our changing world.

President Shalala sometimes offers 10 lessons for graduates. So let me conclude my own 10 lessons about how to change the world.

First, always challenge yourselves.

Second, get out of your comfort zone—you’re too young to take the easy road.

Third, go travel—get dust in your hair.

Fourth, learn more languages—see the world through other eyes.

Fifth, focus on what stirs your soul. It’s hard to excel at anything that you don’t love.

Sixth, be fearless. It is difficult to make progress without breaking at least a little crockery.

Seventh, don’t be afraid to go down fighting, if you’re fighting a righteous battle.

Eighth, never want something so badly that you do something you don’t believe in to get it.

Ninth, don’t sweat what other folks may think of you. As Dr. Seuss said, “Be who you are and say what you feel, because those who mind don’t matter and those who matter don’t mind.”

Tenth, be about more than money. Comfort and economic security are good, but they’re not enough. You should be about creating change, not just counting it.

Class of 2012, yours is the first truly global generation of young people.

Your generation is changing the world with incredible speed.

Your generation must give hope to those who still sleep in the dust.

For there truly is something in the soul that cries out for freedom. There is something in the spirit that drives us to free those still in chains.

There is something in our beloved nation that calls us to serve and to strive.

Now is the time to start being the change you want to see. You have the privilege, you have the power, and you have the responsibility.

I know you can. I know you will.

Congratulations graduates, and best of luck.

Thank you.

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