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Mr. Chairman, Committee Members, thank you for providing me the opportunity to testify on the dire situation in Sierra Leone. The current civil conflict--one of the most troubling in the world today--continues to place hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians at risk, many of them women and children. We in the Administration remain fully committed to working with Congress to help ease the humanitarian burden on the Sierra Leonean population and to end this crisis as quickly as possible. I commend you, Mr. Chairman, for helping to bring the search for peace in Sierra Leone to our nation's and the world's attention by calling this hearing today. A month ago, Nigeria completed a fourth round of elections which you, Mr. Chairman and Representatives Payne, Meeks, and Lee observed, and which has moved Nigeria closer to its first civilian government in 16 years. Let me note for the record the important role Subcommittee members played in this critical exercise by traveling to Nigeria for the presidential contest. Nigeria's transition is precarious and fragile, but its role in Sierra Leone is crucial. Nigeria is the leader of, and the major troop contributor to, the Economic Community of West African States Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), the peacekeeping force trying to restore stability to Sierra Leone. As part of a four-pronged strategy in Sierra Leone, we are working first to increase international support for ECOMOG. Second, we are helping regional leaders coordinate their diplomatic efforts to seek a negotiated settlement, as well as actively encouraging a swift and lasting resolution by promoting high-level dialogue with all key players. Third, we arc seeking to curtail external support for the RUF (Revolutionary United Front). And, fourth, we are providing substantial humanitarian relief in those areas where security is adequate. Background: The Origins of the Current Crisis The war in Sierra Leone has its origins in a long history of corrupt and predatory civilian and military governments that set the stage for a decade-long insurrection, destroyed state institutions, and left the country vulnerable to external manipulation. In 1991, a small band of Sierra Leonean rebels, trained in Libya and accompanied by Burkinabe and Liberian supporters, crossed the border from Liberia with plans to overthrow the corrupt one-party All People's Congress (APC) regime headed by Major General Joseph Momoh. However, the credibility of the rebels' stated program--to fight for democracy and fair distribution of Sierra Leone's resources--was belied by their systemic and brutal assaults against civilians. Allied with Charles Taylor's National Patriotic Front for Liberia (NPFL), the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) attacked small villages--killing, raping, mutilating, and looting from Sierra Leone's most disenfranchised and destitute. They also gained control of much of the diamond-producing region and financed their efforts through the illegal sale of diamonds, timber, and other resources. In 1992, a popular military coup led by Valentine Strasser removed the APC regime. The RUF ignored offers of amnesty and a cease-fire by the new National Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC) government and fighting continued. The NPRC became corrupted as well and the Sierra Leone Army concentrated more on looting villages than fighting the RUF. By 1995, the RUF had control of the major diamond mining areas and was on the outskirts of the capital, Freetown. In desperation, the NPRC hired the mercenary firm Executive Outcomes (EO). Within a few weeks, EO pushed the RUF back into its base camps and restored security to most of Sierra Leone. In early 1996, Sierra Leone's people demanded a return to democracy and celebrated their country's first free-and-fair elections in 3 decades. The democratically elected government of President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah took office in March and immediately began negotiations with the rebel movement, resulting in a peace agreement signed in Abidjan in November 1996. But peace and stability were short-lived. Elements of the Sierra Leone Army, styling themselves the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC), overthrew the Kabbah government in May 1997, and invited the RUF to join their junta. The AFRC suspended the constitution, banned political activity, and killed, tortured, or arbitrarily detained anyone they perceived threatening their hold on power. World opinion resounded against the coup. The Sierra Leonean people stood up to the junta as well, often at the risk of their lives. For 9 months civil servants refused to go to work, children refused to go to school, university students protested and plotted to regain freedom. After almost a year of brutal AFRC misrule, ECOMOG restored President Kabbah and his government to power in February 1998, earning commendation from the international community. ECOMOG has played the key role in ending conflict throughout the region. Comprised of troops from several ECOWAS member-states, ECOMOG was instrumental in bringing peace to Liberia in 1997. Following a 7-year involvement bolstered by substantial logistical assistance from the United States and other donors, ECOMOG was successful in working with the United Nations and Liberians to disarm rebel factions and secure an environment conducive to conducting free elections. ECOMOG is now playing a similar role in Guinea-Bissau. Almost 600 ECOMOG troops from Togo, Niger, The Gambia, and Benin recently were deployed to that country to enforce a cease-fire and support a peace agreement between belligerents. More than 12,000 ECOMOG troops drawn from Nigeria, Guinea, Ghana, and Mali, are now serving in Sierra Leone to protect the population from rebel depredations, defend the democratically elected government, and press the, insurgents to the negotiating table. For most of 1998, however, the RUF/AFRC continued its campaign against the Kabbah government and the people of Sierra Leone. They broke their commitment to implement the Abidjan Accord which called for disarmament and demobilization, and the RUF's transformation into a political party. Instead, they attempted to regain control of Sierra Leone's rich diamond fields. Even more chilling, they embarked on "Operation No Living Thing," a campaign of terror that inflicted grave suffering on the Sierra Leonean people. Whole villages, cities, and towns fled into refugee camps across borders to escape the violence. In the first half of last year, over a quarter million Sierra Leoneans fled their country to seek safety in neighboring states--primarily Liberia and Guinea--where there are now half a million refugees from Sierra Leone. The atrocities further galvanized Sierra Leone's people against the RUF/AFRC and heightened public support for the Kabbah government. However, the rebels regrouped over the June-October 1998 rainy season and launched a new offensive that threatened, again, to overthrow the legitimate government. Recent Developments This past December, the RUF/AFRC rebel forces, with external reinforcement, marched across Sierra Leone capturing several key towns and villages, including the northern provincial capital, Makeni. With fewer than 10,000 troops on the ground, ECOMOG was unable to defend all fronts. On Christmas Eve, as rebels approached the outskirts of Freetown, the State Department ordered our American staff in Embassy Freetown to evacuate after they assisted all American citizens who wanted to leave the country. In the early hours of January 6, rebels entered the capital using, in some cases, civilians as human shields to prevent ECOMOG counterattacks. Intense fighting ensued. The rebels attacked key facilities of the Nigerian-led ECOMOG peacekeeping force and briefly occupied the State House. The people of Freetown had no access to food, water, or electricity for more than a week. ECOMOG regained control of the capital by mid-January, but even now continues to find isolated pockets of rebels in and around Freetown. ECOMOG also controls the international airport at Lungi and major towns in the northwest, northeast, and southern districts. Traditional civil defense forces have kept most southern villages secure for the past year. However, the RUF/AFRC rebels still control much of the Kailahun District on the Liberian border, the Kono diamond mining district, and Makeni. RUF forces continue to victimize innocent civilians throughout the country. Humanitarian Situation After months of clashes, the humanitarian situation in Sierra Leone is desperate. As the rebels withdrew from Freetown, they went on a rampage of killing, maiming, and destruction. As many as 5,000 people were killed in the last 4 months of rebel attacks, and more than a thousand were subjected to atrocities, including amputation of arms, feet, hands, and ears, as well as other forms of mutilation. Almost two-thirds of the buildings in eastern Freetown were destroyed in the attack. Churches, mosques, government buildings, hospitals, houses, and schools were burned to the ground, in some cases, with dozens of people locked inside. Some 150,000 people were left homeless. Indeed, at one point, 40,000 people sought refuge in Freetown's National stadium. Rebel activity has displaced nearly one-fifth of the country's 4.5 million people and sent another half million to other countries in search of refuge. In mid-February, 20,000 people were reportedly trapped between Bo, the country's second largest city, and Kenema, now under ECOMOG's control. There is a great risk of measles--already at epidemic proportions--and other diseases that are sweeping through the camps of these displaced people and throughout the interior of the country. Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes David Scheffer visited Freetown and refugee camps in Guinea last month where many refugees painted a horrendous picture of abuse against civilians. Ambassador Scheffer met one patient who had suffered numerous mutilations: rebels had hacked off an upper arm, cut off his tongue, and placed his severed hands in his pocket. The rebels do not discriminate. All--women, men, young, old, and infirm--have been subjected to barbaric treatment. Children, in particular, have suffered tremendously, often at the hands of insurgents who are children themselves. Since 1991, the RUF has filled its ranks with abducted children who are sometimes compelled to brutalize or murder their own families and village elders. They are drugged, raped, used as forced labor, and finally inducted into the rebel army. Child care agencies list over 2,000 missing children after the Freetown attack. Of those, 300 parents witnessed firsthand their children's abduction by the RUF. Thousands more have been orphaned. Attacks and kidnappings against foreigners also have been frequent since the RUF began its crusade almost 10 years ago, and in the last 4 months, the RUF kidnapped several European priests, thirteen Indian businessmen, and six nuns of the Sisters of Charity, eventually murdering seven of their captives. Two European journalists also were kidnapped and held briefly by the RUF, and an American journalist was killed January 10 while covering the fighting in Freetown. We are grateful to ECOMOG for their assistance in evacuating wounded colleagues--an American and a Canadian. The United Nations has reported that in the heat of the battle to dislodge the RUF from Freetown, ECOMOG and civilian vigilantes committed some summary executions of rebels and civilian collaborators. We have condemned these and all human rights violations and have urged Nigeria to investigate and punish individuals responsible for these abuses. Prompt action by ECOMOG is important to its continued credibility as a strong force for peace in the region. On this note, I am pleased to confirm that the Nigerian Government has reorganized the ECOMOG command structure and replaced the ECOMOG Force Commander. The new Force Commander, Major General Felix Mujakpero, is a graduate of the Advanced Military Police Officer Course at Fort McClellan, Alabama. But let me be plain: there is no comparison between ECOMOG and the RUF/AFRC insurgents. ECOMOG is a legitimate peacekeeping force with a mandate from the region and the democratically elected government of Sierra Leone, and with the support of the United Nations to restore stability and peace to Sierra Leone. ECOMOG troops generally respect the Geneva Convention and its leaders discipline soldiers who violate those standards. The RUF/AFRC, an the other hand, has purposely and systematically terrorized and brutalized tens of thousands of innocent civilians as a terror tactic to further its efforts to overthrow a democratically elected government. U.S. Interests The United States has significant interests in Sierra Leone and a stake in the country's future. First, our response to the crisis is an important test of our commitment to democracy and human rights in Africa. Some 2 years ago, the overthrow of the democratic government in Sierra Leone received universal condemnation from African leaders. Sierra Leone is a test of America's commitment to democracy. Either we substantially support democratic governments, institutions and peacekeeping efforts, or we risk allowing insurgents to spread terror throughout the region. Second, we feel a compelling moral imperative to end the suffering of innocent civilians, many of whom have lived with the violent whims of armed thugs for most of this decade. Third, a lasting settlement in Sierra Leone will allow Nigerian, Ghanaian, and Malian troops to return honorably to their countries. An honorable exit for Nigerian-led ECOMOG could improve prospects for a successful transition to democratic and civilian rule for Nigeria. Conversely, a continued rebel offensive would further threaten regional stability and progress in West Africa. The conflict in Sierra Leone could easily cross borders, spilling into Guinea, and potentially re-igniting civil war in Liberia. It could adversely affect our allies in the region, including Nigeria, Senegal, Cote d'Ivoire and Ghana, and other countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Continued hostilities could thwart ECOWAS' ongoing efforts to integrate their economics more effectively. Mr. Chairman, the implications of a rebel victory in Sierra Leone for our long-term engagement in Africa would be serious, indeed. The fall of the Kabbah government would be a major setback for ECOMOG troop-contributing nations, most especially for Nigeria. Further, it could jeopardize our burgeoning relationship with Nigeria's newly elected civilian government. It could weaken democratic governments elsewhere in the region and threaten ECOMOG's future peacekeeping prospects. Under RUF control, Sierra Leone would again descend into chaos, and its rich resources would be exploited to further the terror of the RUF and provide an attractive environment for criminals and terrorists. Finally, the United States has longstanding ties to the people of Sierra Leone. Freetown, Sierra Leone's capital, was founded in 1792 as the Province of Freedom by Thomas Peters, an African-American from Wilmington, North Carolina. More recently, Sierra Leone responded to our direct request and sent a contingent of doctors and staff to Saudi Arabia during the Gulf War. On several occasions, Sierra Leone helped the U.S. evacuate American citizens from the civil war in Liberia, providing us unrestricted access to its international airport and port facilities. Without the use of Sierra Leone as a platform, the ECOMOG peacekeeping operation in Liberia would not have succeeded. U.S. Role The United States has been actively involved in Sierra Leone over the past 4 years to try to end rebel hostilities, consolidate democracy, and promote national reconciliation. First, the Administration provided logistical and communications support for the elections in 1996. After the May 1997 coup, we joined ECOWAS, the Organization of African Unity, the United Nations, and the rest or the international community, in condemning the overthrow of the elected government and to press for its restoration. The UN Security Council, led by the United States and the United Kingdom, adopted targeted sanctions in October 1997 against the junta and authorized ECOWAS to enforce them. After the restoration of the democratic government, we supported ECOMOG's Sierra Leone operation with critical nonlethal logistical assistance to help it respond effectively to the rebels' "Operation No Living Thing" campaign. We provided the peacekeeping force $3.9 million in communications, transportation equipment, and other logistical services--including helicopter lift in fiscal year 1998. On the humanitarian front, the United States is Sierra Leone's largest bilateral donor. We contributed over $55 million in humanitarian assistance during Fiscal Year 1998, including substantial food aid for refugees. The Department of Defense airlifted emergency medical supplies and equipment, USAID funded NGOs that deployed medical personnel and provided medical supplies and prosthetic devices, as well as a helicopter to airlift mutilation "Operation No Living Thing" victims to medical facilities. Multilaterally and bilaterally the United States is working to strengthen ECOMOG's capacity to protect the people of Sierra Leone and their democratically elected government from being overrun by brutal insurgents. We are working to end the support of external players who are fueling the crisis by backing rebel forces. At the same time, and despite the international community's abhorrence of rebels' actions, we are urging all players to come to the negotiating table to end the mayhem. Finally, the United States is continuing to respond to the humanitarian needs of the Sierra Leonean people who have suffered for too long. 1) Further Support for ECOMOG: Resources are Key While ECOMOG is leading peacekeeping/security efforts in Sierra Leone, the region cannot establish peace without help from the international community. This fiscal year, the State Department has already committed $4 million of nonlethal logistical support to assist ECOMOG's operation in Sierra Leone and another $1 million for medical supplies and equipment to treat Nigerian ECOMOG troops wounded during the RUF offensive against Freetown. In addition, the Administration will soon formally notify Congress of our intention to allocate another $5.8 million to assist ECOMOG. Great Britain has joined us in generously supporting this effort and recently announced an additional 10 million pounds sterling of assistance for ECOMOG and for the training of a new Sierra Leone Army. This is a challenge grant. Great Britain will disperse these funds as other donors contribute to Sierra Leone. In addition, the international community also has contributed another 10 million dollar to support ECOMOG. The Netherlands, Canada, Norway, France, Germany, Belgium, Italy, and China have provided or indicated their intent to provide ECOMOG with direct assistance including balance-of-payments support to troop-contributing countries, transport of country contingents to Sierra Leone, and nonlethal military equipment. 2) Negotiating a Solution Second, we continue to support actively regional efforts to forge a diplomatic solution. We are encouraging the ECOWAS Secretary General and the Governments of Nigeria, Ghana, Guinea, Cote d'Ivoire, Mali, and Togo to coordinate their strategy on Sierra Leone. We have facilitated communications between the rebels and Government of Sierra Leone to begin a dialogue on peace. In this regard, the President's Special Envoy for the Promotion of Democracy Reverend Jesse Jackson, West African Affairs Director Ambassador Howard Jeter, and Ambassador Joseph Melrose, in conjunction with UN Special Representative of the Secretary General Francis Okelo, and ECOWAS Executive Secretary Lansana Kouyate, have all been working to help regional leaders and the RUF agree on a suitable venue and timing for peace consultations. Ambassador Jeter also has facilitated talks between President Kabbah, the Nigerians, and the RUF's legal representative, and recently spent 2 weeks in West Africa to push this process along. Finally, Special Envoy Jackson has spoken frequently with President Kabbah to encourage his continued flexibility as regional leaders try to facilitate a dialogue leading to a long-term resolution of the conflict. A meeting between RUF leader Foday Sankoh and RUF senior commanders is critical to clarifying the RUF's agenda and lines of authority. We urge the government and RUF to ensure this meeting happens quickly--it is an essential first step to what will be a long process. We underscore the importance of the RUF undertaking consultations and negotiations in good faith. President Kabbah has agreed to allow RUF leader Foday Sankoh to speak with the BBC and have radio and phone contact with rebel commanders in the bush. The president of Sierra Leone also announced that he would consider using his constitutional authority to release Foday Sankoh if doing so would help bring about sustainable peace. This is a welcome move. Although our embassy operations are suspended, our ambassador to Sierra Leone, Joseph Melrose, based in Conakry, Guinea, makes regular trips to Freetown. Last month he also accompanied Ambassador Scheffer to the capital. In July, Reverend Jesse Jackson facilitated a meeting between President Taylor of Liberia and President Kabbah to discuss national differences. On November 22, Reverend Jackson also helped arrange a meeting in Conakry among the presidents of Sierra Leone, Guinea and Liberia to forge an agreement to respect each other's sovereignty and borders, and visited Freetown to meet with President Kabbah, civil society leaders, and atrocity victims. We intend to continue funding conflict resolution programs through USAID's Office of Transitional Initiatives to encourage dialogue among all sectors of Sierra Leone society should a settlement be achieved. 3) Halt Support to the Rebels Third, external support to the rebel forces must be curtailed. We have clear evidence of Liberian involvement with the RUF and have reports that Libya and Burkina Faso may also be assisting the rebels. Additionally, we believe the RUF has secured the services of foreign mercenaries and is financing much of its operation by illicit diamond sales. The United States has pressed Liberia to cease its assistance and is prepared to consider punitive measures against President Charles Taylor's government if support for the rebels is not terminated. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Thomas Pickering and I each met with Liberian Foreign Minister Captan on February 11 to reinforce this message. The Administration welcomes the Foreign Minister's assurances and other recent signs that suggest Liberia may retract its support. We call upon the Liberian Government, at this critical time in our bilateral relationship, to fulfill its promises--and swiftly. We continue to hope that we can work constructively with Liberia and its government to foster regional peace and security, but we will not tolerate further support for the rebels in Sierra Leone. 4) Humanitarian Response Finally, the war in Sierra Leone has been, above all, a humanitarian disaster. The State Department and USAID have provided nearly $32 million in humanitarian assistance since October, and we will continue to increase our emergency assistance as the security situation improves and relief agencies gain access to new areas. Working with NGOs, for example, the United States quickly responded to the needs of war-affected populations in Sierra Leone. In January, we deployed a medical team to Nigeria with four tons of supplies and equipment to help treat wounded Nigerian troops and a two-person Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA) team to Conakry, Guinea to coordinate and report on humanitarian efforts. To date in FY 1999, USAID/BHR/OFDA has programmed nearly $8.0 million to NGOs and UN agencies to provide health, water, sanitation, agriculture, coordination, non-food, and logistical support to affected populations in Sierra Leone. In addition, OFDA procured and transported 1,060 rolls of plastic sheeting and 50,000 blankets to provide temporary shelter for displaced populations in Freetown and upcountry. Although hospitals are reportedly overcrowded and severely understaffed, relief organizations are addressing urgent public health needs. Medical supplies and personnel have reached most of the critically injured. Large quantities of U.S. food have been distributed to the 150,000 displaced people of Freetown, and the State Department is providing $2 million to UNHCR to address added needs of Sierra Leone refugees in Guinea. However, the lack of security poses continued problems for relief operations throughout the country. Dangerous conditions forced humanitarian workers to flee for safety. Humanitarian agencies have access to only 300,000 of the nearly one million internally displaced persons. Sierra Leone's neighbors host almost half a million refugees. Security outside of Freetown is especially precarious and is preventing delivery of assistance to the wounded and hungry in the interior. We continue to assess the humanitarian situation and provide support to Sierra Leoneans most in peril, and improve coordination between all players, especially ECOMOG and NGOs, so that aid can be dispersed quickly and effectively. However, relief efforts can only go so far. A viable cease-fire which allows free movement for all citizens as well as humanitarian workers is surely needed. Conclusion Mr. Chairman, this is a critical time in our relations with Africa. Just last week, the Secretary of State hosted an historic U.S.-Africa Ministerial Conference. Over 120 African government ministers and ambassadors, President Clinton, and 8 of his Cabinet officials had the opportunity to discuss in detail the U.S.-Africa partnership and our common goals for the future. Notwithstanding our deepening ties, we realize that conflict in many regions has recently overshadowed the progress the vast majority of Africans have made in recent years toward more inclusive societies and stronger economics. Throughout history, we have learned that problems abroad, left unattended, will come back to haunt our people and stall our progress. Still, there are those who may question our interest in a far-off civil war in a corner of Africa. But this is a new moment in history, and a new, fragile democracy in Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone is surrounded by nascent and would-be democracies and free-market economies. We should not turn our backs on America's interests and in our fundamental principles of freedom, tolerance, and the rights of all people to pursue their individual and collective security and welfare. We should defend our interest in democracy worldwide, by not bowing to a brutal insurgent group intent on overthrowing a democratically elected government. We should help protect thousands of innocent victims from heinous atrocities. Finally, we should protect our interest in building and sustaining Africa's peacekeeping capacities, which are key to security throughout the continent, by ensuring that ECOMOG has the tools necessary to complete its important mission in Sierra Leone. If we succeed, we will help bolster West Africa with another democratic government, strong regional conflict resolution capabilities, greater regional integration, and a confident Nigeria departing Sierra Leone on high ground and ready to redirect energy and resources toward forging its own new destiny. I therefore look forward to working with this Subcommittee to respond effectively to the far-reaching implications of this crisis for all our peoples. Thank you. [End of Document]
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