NOTE: External links to other Internet sites should not be construed as an endorsement of the views contained therein.

Mr. Chairman:

Thank you for this opportunity to appear before your committee today to discuss an issue of great significance to the United States: the new locus of global terrorism in South Asia. It is an honor to be appearing here today with my colleague the Coordinator for Counter-Terrorism Ambassador Sheehan, with whom the Bureau of South Asian Affairs has a close working relationship.

New Initiatives in Countering Terrorism

I'd like to begin my testimony on this subject by citing some of the more significant new initiatives that have been recently launched and which represent forward progress in our fight against terrorism.

• On Afghanistan, the UN Security Council in October 1999 unanimously passed Resolution 1267 which calls upon the Taliban to hand over Usama bin Laden to a country where he can be brought to justice. As a result of this resolution, all flights of the Afghan national airline Ariana outside of Afghanistan have been halted and Taliban financial assets frozen.

• With Russia and other countries, we have held consultations in recent weeks on the situation in Afghanistan.

• With India, we established a Joint Working Group on Counterterrorism. This working group first met in February of this year and was given added impetus when President Clinton and Prime Minister Vajpayee endorsed it in March. It brings together U.S. and Indian officials from all relevant agencies for discussion and action on the problem of terrorism.

• India has agreed to accept and work closely with a Legal Attache at the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi, India. This will facilitate bilateral cooperation in law enforcement matters, including counterterrorism.

• With Sri Lanka, a friendly government that has been fighting an insurgent group that employs the deadly weapon of terrorism, we have enjoyed excellent cooperation in a number of areas related to counterterrorism. We designated the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in 1997 and renewed that designation last year, and we have been providing ATA assistance to the Sri Lankan Government since 1994. Following the December assassination attempt against President Kumaratunga, this assistance has included offers of training in VIP protection and post-blast investigation.

• Ambassador Sheehan and his colleagues, who analyze and fight this problem every day, have rightly stressed the shifting locus of international terrorism to the South Asia region, as noted in this year's report on Patterns of International Terrorism. Though several of the South Asian countries face terrorist threats of one form or another, terrorists in Afghanistan pose the greatest threat to U.S. interests, lives, and property, and it is that country which will occupy the bulk of my testimony today. As Ambassador Sheehan has noted, this move did not happen overnight. It is, unfortunately, also a problem that will not go away overnight. I am confident, however, that actions we are taking and which we will take will have an impact over time, to reduce the human and economic costs of terrorism and to enable this part of the world eventually to recover.

In July 1995, in Kashmir, several foreign tourists, including two Americans, were abducted while hiking in the mountains of that region. A Norwegian was murdered, and four others have been missing ever since, including one American. The group which kidnapped them demanded the release of a number of prisoners in Indian jails, one of who was Masood Azhar, formerly General Secretary of the group Harakat-ul-Ansar. As a result of the kidnapping and other information, the Secretary of State designated that organization as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in 1997. And we continue to pursue this case vigorously on behalf of the spouse of the missing American, Donald Hutchings.

Subsequently, an India Airlines flight on its way from Kathmandu to New Delhi was hijacked in December 1999. The flight eventually landed in Kandahar, Afghanistan, where Azhar and two other prisoners were released from Indian detention on the demand of the hijackers. Azhar is currently in Pakistan. The whereabouts of the two other released prisoners is not known. The hijackers, who were last sighted by the press at the airport in Kandahar, Afghanistan, have not been arrested.

On November 12, 1999, the U.S. Embassy and the American Center in Islamabad were attacked with rockets fired from parked vehicles. Fortunately, only one person was injured in what could have been a very deadly attack.

I mention these events because they describe a pattern of terrorist attacks that center on Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Kashmir. There have been many others, against Indian interests in Kashmir, bombings in cities in India and Pakistan, and attacks against the Government of Sri Lanka by the LTTE (another designated Foreign Terrorist Organization). These include an LTTE assassination attempt in December against President Kumaratunga that injured her eye and killed several other people. Without engaging in detailed analysis of the statistics and the patterns, it is clearly true that the trend is toward more, and more deadly, attacks against targets in South Asia.

With respect to Kashmir and terrorism and violence in that region, we have strongly condemned acts of terrorism there, as we do everywhere in the world. It is unacceptable and reprehensible to engage in acts of terrorism such as the recent assassination of a member of the Kashmir State Government, to cite one example. Nothing can justify such deliberate and calculated murder, and those who commit such crimes should be brought to justice under the law. With respect to the larger political question of Kashmir, President Clinton, during his visit to South Asia this March, set out several principles, which he recommended to those, affected by the dispute. He called for restraint on all sides and respect for the line of control, to avoid dangerous military confrontations such as occurred in Kashmir last year. He called on the parties to reject violence. And, he urged India and Pakistan to renew their dialogue. These principles recognize that there is no military solution to the Kashmir problem and that the Kashmiri people deserve to have their concerns addressed. These principles are, in our view, a sensible and practical prescription for addressing the dangerous Kashmir situation.

We hope the parties will recognize how eminently practical these principles are and that they will devote themselves to pursuing them. If they do, they will have the support and encouragement of the U.S., particularly toward a reduction of violence in the region.

But it is Afghanistan where the shifting locus of terrorism is most pronounced. This is a phenomenon, which has developed gradually over the past two decades, consequent to a 20-year conflict, which largely began with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Beginning in 1979, Afghans fought for almost 10 years against the Soviet Army. The Afghan people suffered and sacrificed immensely in that conflict. Thousands took up arms. Up to a million Afghans died. Several million took refuge in Iran and Pakistan. A generation of young men grew up who knew no life but war. A generation of young women grew up who knew no life but suffering. The present generation knows nothing else. Most Afghan institutions were destroyed in a failed attempt to replace that, which was Afghan, with an alien and Soviet-dominated centralized state. Volunteers and other assistance to fight against the Soviet Army came from around the world. Opposition to the invasion of a small country by a large neighbor motivated some that came forward. Others opposed imposition of the communist system of the former Soviet Union. Still others came in the name of religion, supporting the faith of Islam against the atheistic, anti-religious policies of the U.S.S.R. Most brought with them ideas and tactics learned elsewhere, and in some cases that included hatred and terrorism. Once the Red Army left Afghanistan, in early 1989, Afghans began what has been a 10-year civil war, which continues today. Sadly for the Afghans, the brutality and ruthlessness, which had been learned in fighting the Soviets, was easily applied to fighting other Afghans. So over these 20 years, the Afghan people, their country, their institutions, and their traditions have been devastated. Non-Afghan ideologies of conflict have been introduced. It is in the ashes of this conflict that terrorism has taken root.

What we are here to discuss today, Mr. Chairman, is one of the most dangerous effects of this generation of conflict. Several factors -- the breakdown of central authority in Afghanistan, the all-too-easy access to the tools of terrorism in the form of weapons and explosives, and the rise of ideologies in which violence against innocents is considered a legitimate tool -- have contributed to an increase in international terrorism. Centered in Afghanistan, this terrorism stretches its reach first to the region and second around the world.

The rise of Afghanistan's and their rapid movement to assume de facto control over 80% of the land area of the country, was also a contributing factor. The Taliban had no previous experience in day-to- day administration and little experience with the outside world, with a strong ideological motivation based in Islam and the prevailing Pushtu-speaking society from which they derive, and with a strong need for support from any quarter. This made them dependent on extremely questionable outside sources of support, including elements such as Usama bin Laden and, increasingly, the financial benefits of the narcotics trade. They have since demonstrated that they support and sympathize with Usama bin Laden's goals, which include the removal of U.S. forces from the Gulf region. Despite our frequent requests, they have taken no significant steps to curtail his pursuit of those goals or his group's use of terrorist means to achieve them.

Twenty years of war has obviously not brought peace to Afghanistan. What is needed, in our view, is a sincere negotiating process among the Afghan parties toward a broad-based, inclusive government in that country which the United States and the rest of the international community can accept and which can take up the cause of rebuilding it.

But until that happens -- and it will -- we must take steps to defend ourselves, to stop the spread of terrorism, and to reverse the trends which have brought this hateful practice into being. Our policy is, broadly speaking, a combination of strong defense, diplomatic engagement, and positive inducements.

We have used all the resources at our disposal to defend ourselves. We demonstrated in August 1998 that we were willing to use military force, and we continue to reserve the right to act in self-defense when appropriate. A year ago, the President imposed unilateral economic sanctions on the Taliban through an executive order. We actively supported the UN sanctions adopted in October and implemented in November of last year. We have engaged with the leaders in the subcontinent to take both practical and political steps against terrorism. We have offered rewards for the arrest of terrorists and appropriate assistance to governments to combat this menace, with the objective of containing and pushing back terrorism. And we have talked directly, repeatedly, with the Taliban leadership over the past 4 years about this subject.

One key factor in reducing terrorism, which Ambassador Sheehan has addressed, is the need for governments to realize that support for terrorist groups will backfire. These groups always -- and I stress always -- pose a threat to stability, security, and other real national interests of their hosts and patrons, no matter the short-term political advantage which might be seen from their activities against national adversaries. The Taliban in Afghanistan have yet to learn this lesson and have allowed terrorists to take refuge there. We have heard from them repeatedly the argument that Usama bin Laden was in Afghanistan before they came and that they are obliged under their traditions to grant him sanctuary. We have heard from them repeatedly that they have denied him communications and otherwise restricted his activities. They have repeatedly suggested ways he might be tried in Afghanistan or in various other for a falling short of the requirements of the Security Council resolution. And we have replied that those ideas are not good enough, that they do not meet the Security Council requirement, which is clear, concise, and which is in accord with due process of law. We will continue to address this question through direct talks with Taliban representatives, both on our own part, with Pakistan, and with our other partners in the United Nations.

At the same time that we press the Taliban to take action against Usama bin Laden, we have been careful, despite sanctions, to continue contributing to humanitarian programs of many types (schools, food aid, medical supplies, drought relief) which benefit the Afghan people. It is not their fault, and they should not suffer, because the people who control Afghanistan continue to harbor and support terrorism. The United States is the largest single donor of humanitarian aid to Afghanistan, and it has had a discernible positive impact on the lives of ordinary Afghans, particularly the most vulnerable groups -- women and children -- that it is intended to support. To further assist them, we have just announced $4 million for drought relief.

You will ask me, no doubt, about Pakistan. We have worked closely with Pakistan over the years -- first in standing together during the Cold War, which culminated in close cooperation to oust the Soviet Union from Afghanistan. We have also worked together against terrorism. Pakistan has cooperated with the U.S. in arresting and bringing to justice a number of terrorists.

Pakistan wants, as does the U.S., to see peace and stability in Afghanistan -- after all, Afghanistan is Pakistan's neighbor. Pakistan has considerable influence in Afghanistan and with the Taliban. Pakistan has made known its view that the presence of Usama bin Laden is an obstacle to stability. And Pakistan makes the point that it does not control the Taliban. The goal of our continued diplomacy is to urge Pakistan to use every aspect of its influence with the Taliban to convince them to deal with this issue in the manner called for in UN Security Council Resolution 1267 -- to render Usama bin Laden to a country where he can be brought to justice. It is not only the American Government which is pursuing this outcome; it is the unanimous will of the international community as reflected in the Security Council. This remains high on our agenda with Pakistan.

We are also concerned at the problem of terrorism in Pakistan. Pakistan has taken some recent very welcome steps to address this problem. It has arrested and rendered to the U.S. and other countries a number of persons wanted for terrorist crimes. It has announced that it is taking a close look at foreigners living in Pakistan to ensure that they are there for lawful and peaceful purposes.

Such steps are particularly welcome, because both Pakistani and U.S. interests have been targeted in Pakistan. Some terrorists and their supporters certainly continue to live in and move through Pakistan. This includes the Harikat-ul-Mujahidin, which is designated as a foreign terrorist organization. We will continue to urge Pakistan to take action against such groups and to take all steps necessary to see that it does not become a safe haven or safe transit point for terrorists. We will do this in the same spirit of cooperation and pragmatism that has characterized our relations with Pakistan for many years. I hope we can take as an example one area where our common interests are clear -- that of our counter-narcotics effort. Over 20 years, we have developed a good working relationship with the counter-narcotics agencies and have made together, steady progress against poppy cultivation and the heroin trade. Opium production in Pakistan has been reduced almost to zero -- a goal we hope Pakistan will achieve in the next year. We would like to replicate this success in the area of counterterrorism with Pakistan.

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman let me once again thank you for this opportunity to come before your Committee to address this important subject. I would be happy to respond to your questions.

[end of document]

Policy Remarks Index | South Asian Affairs | South Asia Remarks | Department of State