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Deputy Secretary Strobe Talbott Intervention at the Bonn Peace Implementation Conference, Bonn, Germany, December 9, 1997

As delivered

Let me add my thanks to those already expressed to you, Mr. Chairman and to the German Government for your hospitality. My gratitude goes, as well, to Carlos Westendorp for his dedication as High Representative, which was captured by his report -- and his exhortation -- to us a short while ago.

I am moved also to echo the homages that have been offered to our fallen colleagues, especially the 12 international civil servants who died in the hills of central Bosnia last September. They included Gerd Wagner, who was not only an outstanding German diplomat but also an admired friend of many of us in Washington, where he served so ably before undertaking what tragically turned out to be his last assignment. He and my own countryman, IPTF Deputy Chief Kris Kriskovich, embodied the international community's commitment to a Bosnia liberated from ethnic hatred, dedicated to the rule of law, and ready to take its place among European nations.

Toward precisely that long-term goal, Mr. Chairman, I would like, on behalf of President Clinton and Secretary Albright, to stress six points:

First, we would welcome the Conference's support for empowering the High Representative to make interim, binding decisions on the full range of civilian implementation issues. We agree with the wisdom of giving Ambassador Westendorp the authority to override the obstructionism of those who want to block the full implementation of Dayton.

Second, we must see to it that 1998 is marked by the return of refugees to their homes. Otherwise, large parts of Bosnia will remain, willy-nilly, ethnically cleansed and, de facto, partitioned. That is a recipe for future instability and conflict. Refugees will not return to their homes unless there are adequate provisions for their security.

That leads to my third point: the importance of developing a police force loyal to the people -- and the idea -- of Bosnia as a whole, rather than to hostile camps of nationalists and extremists. The United States will do its fair share in this effort. We urge other countries to join us in providing the resources to train and equip a professional police force in Bosnia. This must be a key component of any international security presence in Bosnia after SFOR's mission ends next June.

Fourth, we must persist in our determination to see to it that war criminals end up where they belong -- which is in the dock in The Hague. For the first time, significant numbers of indictees have turned themselves in for trial, thanks in part to the help of the Croatian Government. Justice, however, cannot be left to the discretion of the indictees themselves -- or to that of their protectors. Belgrade and Pale should know that failure to cooperate with the War Crimes Tribunal will result in their continued isolation from the international community.

Fifth, my government emphatically supports a continued role in Bosnia for the OSCE, including actively supervising future elections under the present rules and regulations. That is the best assurance that Bosnia will overcome its divisions and move toward pluralism. I hope there is no ambiguity on that point in our final statement. In this respect, as in others, to relent or falter in our efforts now or to terminate or curtail them prematurely would be to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory.

Sixth and finally, I would like to add my voice to those -- starting with your own, Mr. Chairman -- who have mentioned the tense situation in Kosovo. The continued repression in Kosovo has led to rising concerns that regional stability may be threatened by a new outbreak of violence in the Balkans. The United States and its European partners are working to bring about a dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina. A settlement in Kosovo must ensure that the political and human rights of the Albanian community are fully respected within current international borders. This is not, as has been suggested, a matter of interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign state. Rather, it is to recognize a fact of life and to affirm a key principle -- one that I think I heard Robin Cook enunciate a few moments ago: namely, the principle that both national and international peace depend in no small measure on putting into practice the values of multiethnic tolerance and pluralism and respect for minorities. In short, Mr. Chairman, in any document concerning peace in the former Yugoslavia, the word "Kosovo" must not be omitted -- nor should it be in brackets.

[End of Document]

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