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John C. Kornblum, Assistant Secretary for European and Canadian Affairs Statement before the House Committee on National Security Washington, DC July 17, 1997

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I welcome this opportunity to testify on the historic events that took place last week in Madrid and on their meaning for the American people. As we shift from the pre-Madrid focus on accomplishing the objectives for the Summit to the beginning of the accession and ratification phase, we look forward to working closely with you to ensure that the rationale, the benefits, and the costs of enlarging and adapting NATO are fully understood by this body and by the American people. It is my hope and, indeed, my expectation that, as we proceed, this effort will also be fully welcomed and supported.

We were very pleased that many members of the House and Senate, including Representative Sisisky, were able to join us in Madrid for the Summit. As Senator Roth's remarks to the North Atlantic Council underscored, the Madrid Summit was a historic watershed in the Alliance's development of a "New NATO" for a new century. It is important that we continue the close cooperation between the Administration and the Congress on this matter.

Why Enlarge NATO?

Before I go into greater detail on the Summit's achievements and what happens next, let me reiterate why we are enlarging and adapting NATO.

Six years ago, NATO stood at a crossroads: The Cold War was over, the principal purpose of NATO -- to counter a potential Soviet threat -- no longer existed. Many people were asking "why do we still need NATO?" The Alliance asked itself that question and came up with an answer: "Because NATO is the most effective military alliance in history and has a vital role to play in creating, for the first time in history, an undivided, peaceful, and secure continent." But we recognized that to fulfill that role, NATO had to change. For six years, NATO has been adapting to the realities of the post-Cold War era and the new security environment in Europe. Last week in Madrid we took the most significant steps toward achieving that adaptation and realizing our goal of a Europe united and free from conflict.

The new NATO is better equipped to deal with the post-Cold War challenges to our security in Europe than any other institution. For 50 years, NATO has been the most effective deterrent to large-scale conflict. In those 50 years, no NATO member has been attacked and no NATO member has attacked another country. But imagine a world without NATO. While institutions such as the OSCE, UN, and EU would still carry out their vital functions, there is no comparable entity to NATO. Without NATO, we would open up the gates to the possibility of renewed conflict and to the possibility that, once again, American soldiers would be required to fight and die to protect American interests and values. As President Clinton said before traveling to Madrid, "if we haven't learned a single, solitary other lesson from the 20th century, surely we have learned that our future and Europe's are inevitably intertwined."

By enlarging NATO, we strengthen NATO and we strengthen security and stability in all of Europe. Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic will not just be security consumers, but security producers. They share NATO's commitment to democratic and free market principles. They will radiate stability beyond their borders and work with their neighbors to cement the enormous progress already made. They will reap the benefits, but they will also bear the responsibilities and costs of membership in NATO. By enlarging NATO, we help consolidate and continue the progress toward reform and democracy throughout Europe. And we erase forever the dividing line that separated Europe for 50 years. Enlarging NATO will ensure that this new NATO will continue to be the most effective military alliance in history. It is a new NATO for a new century.

Accomplishments at Madrid

The invitation to Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic to begin accession negotiations, while the most notable achievement of the Madrid Summit, was by no means the only one. Enlargement cannot be viewed in isolation. It is but one element of a much larger effort to create a safer, more secure Euro-Atlantic community.

At Madrid, allies made clear that this enlargement will not be NATO's last. They approved a robust open door package that includes continuation of NATO's Intensified Dialogues with Partners aspiring to membership, a commitment to review the status of those Dialogues at the next Summit in 1999, and a stronger and deeper cooperative relationship with Partners through the new Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and enhanced Partnership for Peace.

The EAPC will deepen and give more focus to NATO and Partners' consultations, enhance the scope and substance of our practical cooperation, and increase transparency and confidence among all EAPC states. Similarly, Allies noted the extraordinary success of PFP and acknowledged that without PFP, NATO would not have been able to deploy so effectively and efficiently IFOR and SFOR with the participation of so many Partners. On day two of the Summit, 28 EAPC heads of state or government or their representatives met for the first time in history within the NATO context with their NATO counterparts.

Alliance leaders also signed the NATO-Ukraine Charter, which will enable NATO and Ukraine to strengthen their consultation and cooperation, and they recognized the historic signing in May of the NATO-Russia Founding Act. The new NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Council will allow NATO and Russia to consult, cooperate, and, where appropriate -- and let me emphasize "where appropriate" -- act together to address challenges to security in Europe. It will not -- and let me emphasize this also because some recent commentators have misunderstood this -- it will not give Russia a veto over Alliance decisions. Where NATO and Russia agree on joint action and agree to undertake it together, they will do so. Where they do not agree, the Alliance remains free to undertake whatever action it deems appropriate.

Allies also noted the progress made on NATO's internal adaptation and agreed to try to resolve outstanding issues on command structure and development of a European Security and Defense Identity within NATO and the Combined Joint Task Force concept by the December North Atlantic Council Ministerial.

These elements of NATO adaptation -- Enlargement, NATO-Russia, NATO-Ukraine, the EAPC and enhanced PFP, and internal adaptation -- will complement the ongoing efforts of other Euro-Atlantic institutions such as the OSCE, EU, COE, and WEU, to achieve our goal of a secure, integrated Europe.

What's Next?

Accession Talks

In September and October, NATO will hold accession talks with the invitees. The talks will confirm formally each invitee's willingness and ability to undertake the obligations of the North Atlantic Treaty and its acceptance of the full political and legal requirements of the Alliance. The talks will also establish each country's relationship to NATO's defense planning system and integrated military structure. NATO expects to conclude the talks by the December 16-17 NAC Ministerial, at which time NATO Foreign Ministers will sign the accession protocols.

Then the Allied ratification process will begin. The amendment to the Washington Treaty to admit the three countries must be ratified by all 16 NATO members. In Madrid, Allies endorsed President Clinton's goal of completing the ratification process in time for the three invitees to join NATO formally by the 50th anniversary of the Washington Treaty in April 1999.

Costs

Before December, NATO will complete a comprehensive analysis of the costs of enlargement as well as refined analyses on the military requirements relating to enlargement for the three invited countries. The Madrid Summit Declaration contained an acknowledgment that enlargement would entail resource implications for the Alliance and a commitment that the resources necessary to meet those costs would be provided. The Declaration was approved by all Allies. We will insist that all Allies, current and new, meet their fair share of the costs of membership.

EAPC, PFP, Russia, and Ukraine

Another important goal of the coming months will be to bring life to the EAPC, the Permanent Joint Council with Russia, and the new NATO-Ukraine relationship. We will be working with our Allies and Partners to develop these fora.

Internal Adaptation

Significant progress has been made on NATO's internal adaptation, but the work needs to be completed. NATO will also strive to complete these tasks by its December Ministerial. We will continue to explore with our colleagues in France and other allied nations ways of resolving the AFSOUTH command issue.

Conclusion

In the past three months, we and our NATO Allies and European Partners have accomplished an extraordinary series of measures to move us closer to our goal of a peaceful, secure, and undivided Europe. You and your colleagues in the Congress have been with us every step of the way. Not all have agreed with every action we have taken and there have been many questions. That is how it should be. Your questions and concerns have made our decisions better and stronger. Working together, we have set the framework for the most sweeping changes in the European security structure since the end of the Cold War. We now have the opportunity to join together to make our shared vision of a new NATO for a new Europe and a new century a reality. I and my colleagues in the Administration look forward to joining you in this effort.

Thank you.

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