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Michael Ranneberger, Coordinator for Cuban Affairs Bureau of Inter-American Affairs Remarks to the 15th Annual Journalists and Editors Workshop on Latin America and the Caribbean Miami, Florida, May 3, 1997

Today, I would like to talk about the difficulties and challenges faced in covering Cuba, as well as licensing of U.S. news bureaus.

My first thought on how Cuba is covered by the media--both in the U.S. and elsewhere--is that there is not enough coverage; my second is that it's too often not hard-hitting enough.

This may sound a little self-serving, given my present job at the State Department, but the fact is that there remains one, sole totalitarian regime in this hemisphere and that fact and that reality is, in my view, under-reported. A closed society where the flow of information is controlled by the government, Cuba needs to come under greater scrutiny by the media.

We all recognize that covering Cuba, particularly covering Cuba well, is extremely difficult. After 40 years, the Castro government is very adroit at manipulating the flow of information. Even access to the Internet is controlled.

Cuban society for a variety of reasons--historical, political, and social--tends to be closed. This is slowly changing, to some extent, but on balance average Cubans are more guarded in their comments than, say, average Chileans. Opposition figures in Cuba are, of course, much more restrained in their public opinions--for reasons that we all know and understand well.

The stories that could be covered, but generally are not: tourist apartheid, business practices followed by companies in Cuba, the environmental situation in Cuba, the dual medical system, the real views of the Cuban people and the emerging new generation, the stalled economic reform process, and the issue of transition growing every day more pressing, among others.

The Cuban Government is a very large impediment to fair news coverage. I don't need to tell anyone here about the obstacles that the Cubans have put, and continue to put, in the way of journalists--independent journalists within the society or foreign journalists living in Cuba or visiting there--who try to report on events and conditions there.

"The Big Lie" is alive and well in Cuba. The Government of Cuba's version of the shoot-down of two unarmed civilian aircraft in February 1996, the true state of the public health system in Cuba, and especially the deplorable human rights situation all reflect clearly the regime's incredible cynicism. Both of these make it hard to reconcile various accounts of events. But splitting the difference isn't the same as arriving at the truth. Yet, it is possible, despite State security, to get a feel for the real views of the Cuban people. A poll by a Latin American group produced a result which rings true; 25% strongly support Castro, 25% strongly oppose him, and 50% are apathetic.

It would be refreshing and important for the media to cover critically the phenomenon of Fidel Castro--the myth versus the reality. It is time for the love affair with Castro which still prevails--and was so evident during press coverage of his October 1995 visit to New York--to end.

Despite the Cuban Government's efforts to exercise complete control over the media, independent journalists in Cuba have proliferated, and do get their stories out of Cuba. They have paid, however, a price for their efforts. They face constant government harassment, including detention, threat of long-term imprisonment, property seizures, and threats against their families.

The latest victim of the regime's repressive tactics is independent journalist Alance Noguera, who was arrested April 23 and released April 25. Noguera was told that unless he leaves the country, he will be charged with "enemy propaganda" and "espionage," which carry lengthy prison sentences. Noguera's ordeal is the most telling example of the Castro regime's authoritarian and undemocratic system--when intimidation fails to silence those courageous enough to try to stand up for their rights, the choice becomes long-term imprisonment or exile. I would urge that efforts be made to use more widely some of the stories they are producing.

Let me comment for a moment on U.S. policy because your coverage of Cuba will inevitably touch on the relationship between the two countries.

We have, in essence, an essential and deeply rooted national interest in what happens in Cuba and our policy reflects that interest. Our overarching goal is to promote a peaceful transition to democracy on the island. To that end, our policy has five essential elements:

-- Pressure on the regime for change through the comprehensive economic embargo and Libertad sanctions;
-- Outreach to the Cuban people;
-- The promotion and protection of human rights;
-- Multilateral efforts to press for democracy; and
-- Migration accords to promote safe, orderly, and legal migration.

A fundamental conviction underlying all of our policy toward Cuba is that the Cuban Government does not institute change unless it has to, and it will go only as far as it has to in order to maintain absolute control. Some observers insist in wanting to believe that Castro is willing to consider change.

A policy of engagement has been tried for decades and has failed to produce political change. Therefore, if we want to see change in Cuba proceed, we have to apply financial pressure so that the regime has no alternative. I urge coverage of all elements of our policy.

We recognize, for example, that change in Cuba must come from within, led by Cubans on the island who recognize the problems and injustices of the current system and challenge them. Increasing the flow of information to, from, and within Cuba is essential to fostering this dynamic, as is outside support and advice to independent groups trying to carve out space for their activities.

In that connection, one interesting and, I think, important story, is the report on assistance to a democratic transition government and Castro's extraordinary reaction to it. Within weeks of the publication of the report, Castro required loyalty oaths from mass organizations and the armed forces throughout the island. That step, perhaps, reflects an underlying insecurity not fully appreciated by the outside world.

We have licensed non-governmental groups to work in Cuba, and have licensed $150 million in humanitarian assistance since 1992. The licensing of CNN and at least 10 other news bureaus to open offices in Cuba reflects that policy. The licensing is consistent with the Libertad Act. Title II codifies the embargo, including the measures announced by the President in October 1995.

The CNN 's presence in Cuba should help increase the information available to the world about life in Cuba. CNN is now uniquely positioned to convey the reality of the island and has a burden of responsibility to do so. We continue to call on the Cuban Government to allow the other U.S. news organizations we have licensed to open offices in Cuba. Through objective coverage of Cuba, the media can play an important role in encouraging discussion of the Cuba issue. The Cuba issue occupies a unique spot in the United States' collective consciousness. A poll I read a year or so ago asked the U.S. public to rank-order their distaste of leaders of pariah states and found Castro at the top of the list.

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