a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings
There were unsubstantiated reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings.
In October and November, 20 persons died as a result of gunshot wounds during a series of antigovernment protests. Members of opposition political parties and civil society organizations alleged the victims died as a result of excessive force by law enforcement. The government authorized investigations into these deaths, although they had not begun by November’s end.
In May security forces were accused of excessive force during a student demonstration in Labe, Middle Guinea. The incident resulted in the death of 21-year-old student Amadou Boukariou Balde. Authorities announced the start of an investigation, but no information had been released to the public.
Police Captain Kaly Diallo, whose trial started in 2017, was prosecuted and convicted in February for the murder of Thierno Hamidou Diallo during an opposition protest in 2016. Kaly Diallo was sentenced to 10 years’ imprisonment and ordered to pay 50 million Guinean francs, GNF ($5,434) in damages to the plaintiff who was represented by the main political opposition coalition, the Republican Opposition. Captain Diallo denied the charges against him but acknowledged police used lethal weapons during some law enforcement operations, contradicting official accounts.
Impunity persisted for abuses perpetrated by state actors in past years, including the 2009 massacre by state security forces of the previous military regime. At least 150 opposition demonstrators were killed, and more than 100 women and girls were raped. The judiciary confirmed indictments against 13 individuals, but the government had not announced any timeline to commence trials against the individuals. Two of the alleged ringleaders of the massacre, Colonel Claude Pivi and Colonel Moussa Tiegboro Camara, remained in high-level government posts. General Mathurin Bangoura, a person of interest whose indictment was dismissed following a judicial review, remained governor of Conakry.
The steering committee established in June 2018 to organize the trial of the accused in the 2009 massacre continued its work. The body convened fewer than five times during the year.
On June 25, the Supreme Court dismissed an appeal to requalify charges for the massacre as crimes against humanity, ruling that the charges in the indictments would remain as ordinary crimes. In addition the Supreme Court dismissed the charges against two individuals, General Mathurin Bangoura, the governor of Conakry, and Commandant Bienvenu Lamah, commander of the Kaleah military camp in the prefecture of Forecariah. There were no remaining legal impediments to a trial, but the government had not announced a date for the trial.
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of disappearances by or on behalf of government authorities.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
Although the constitution and law prohibit torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishment, human rights observers alleged that government officials continued to employ such practices with impunity. The 2016 criminal code harmonizes national law with international conventions on torture.
In February the head of an anticrime unit, Commandant Salifou Walto Soumaoro was sentenced to six years’ imprisonment and a fine of GNF 10 million ($1,087) for an act of torture on a criminal suspect in 2016. Several officers from police and gendarmerie were arrested and temporarily suspended from their position. The victim’s lawyer denounced the fact that only one person was prosecuted.
Abuse of inmates in government detention centers continued. Security officials designated as “judicial police officers” abused detainees to coerce confessions. Human rights activists noted the most egregious abuses occurred during arrest or at detention centers. Human rights associations stated that complainants often presented evidence of abuse and prison wardens did not investigate these complaints. These nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) also alleged that guards abused detainees, including children, and coerced some women into exchanging sex for better treatment.
In 2012 two civil society NGOs submitted a complaint on behalf of 16 individuals for arbitrary detention and torture committed in 2010 at the Gendarmerie of Hamdallaye. The trial, which started in April 2018, continued. The accused included, among others, a former chief of staff of the army and a former governor of Conakry. All were charged with arresting and torturing 17 persons in 2010.
During its annual plenary meeting in July, the Independent National Institution for Human Rights (INIDH) expressed concern about continuing allegations of torture and called on the security forces to put an end to torture in all forms.
Prison and Detention Center Conditions
Conditions in civilian prisons, which are under the supervision of the Ministry of Justice, remained severely underresourced. Abuse, poor sanitation, malnutrition, disease, and lack of medical attention were pervasive throughout the prison system. Conditions were allegedly worse in gendarme and police detention facilities.
Physical Conditions: Overcrowding remained a problem. Government-funded rehabilitation programs were underfunded and ineffective, leading some NGOs to try filling the void.
Authorities held minors in separate sections at prisons and detention facilities, where they slept on iron bunk beds with no mattresses or on the floor because it was too hot on the upper bunks below the building’s metal roof. Prison officials did not separate pretrial detainees from convicted prisoners. There were reports the government had trouble tracking the location of pretrial detainees in the justice system.
A lack of health-care personnel and medicine in prisons, combined with malnutrition and dehydration, sometimes made infection or illness life threatening; cases of beriberi were recorded, and the deaths of prisoners were seldom investigated. Only two of the 31 detention centers had a full-time doctor and medical staff. In those centers it was reported that the medical professionals lacked adequate medicine and resources.
Reports of overcrowding in medical wards at detention centers were common, including at the Conakry Central Prison (CCP). Prisoners must rely on family members, charities, or NGOs to bring medication, but visitors often had to pay bribes to provide the medicine to prisoners. In May at a detention center in Labe, Middle Guinea, three prisoners died of diarrhea. In Kindia, an interruption in antiretroviral care supplies caused chronic diseases among prisoners, leading to one death in August.
Mismanagement, neglect, and lack of resources were prevalent. Toilets reportedly did not function, and prisoners often slept and ate in the same space used for sanitation purposes. Access to drinking and bathing water was inadequate. Many prisons were former warehouses with little ventilation and little access to electricity for air conditioning or other cooling techniques.
NGOs as well as INIDH reported endemic malnutrition throughout the prison system. Authorities provided food at the CCP, but most prison directors relied on charities and NGOs to provide food for inmates. The CCP claimed it began providing two meals a day to all inmates in 2011; however, NGOs reported prisoners in Conakry and elsewhere received only one meal per day and that many relied on food from their families or other outside sources. Guards often demanded bribes for delivering food to prisoners, which they then frequently confiscated.
In May 2018 the Ministries of Health and Justice agreed to create a national prison health strategy as part of the national public-health system. Poor access to medical care for inmates, however, remained an issue. Additionally, prisons had few medical supplies, which impacted the ability of the government to provide care in certain instances.
The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Guinea and NGOs noted that conditions at gendarmerie detention centers, intended to hold detainees for not more than two days while they awaited court processing, were much worse than in prisons. Such “temporary” detention could last from a few days to several months, and facilities had no established system to provide meals or medical treatment. As in the case of prisons, gendarmerie facilities were dank and unsanitary.
Although the Ministry of Justice administered civilian prisons, prisoners allegedly controlled cell assignments and provided better conditions to prisoners who were able to pay at some detention centers. In addition prison administrators at detention centers reported receiving directives from their superiors that directly conflicted with orders from the Ministry of Justice. Rumors persisted that guards ignored court orders to free prisoners until bribes were paid.
Administration: Prison authorities did not investigate credible allegations of abuse or inhuman prison conditions. Prisoners and detainees have the right to submit complaints but seldom did for fear of possible reprisals from prison guards. Prisoners must use a lawyer to file a complaint, but lawyers were scarce and expensive. The local NGO Equal Rights for All (MDT) stated religious practice was restricted at prisons other than the CCP.
Independent Monitoring: The government permitted prison visits by local humanitarian and religious organizations that offered medical care and food to those in need. Local NGOs, such as MDT and the Association for the Support of Refugees, Displaced Persons, and Detainees received regular and unimpeded access to the CCP. The International Committee of the Red Cross conducted a series of meetings to advocate for continued improvement of prison conditions.
INIDH released two monitoring reports, in September 2018 and in March, which highlighted overcrowding in prisons and malnutrition of detainees.
Conditions in military prisons, which were under the Ministry of Defense, could not be verified since the government denied access to prison advocacy groups and international organizations. Although military authorities claimed they did not hold civilians at military prisons, previous cases contradicted this assertion. Reports indicated a prison continued to exist at a military camp on Kassa Island, but authorities refused to permit independent monitoring.
According to the United Nations, a 2017 allegation of sexual exploitation and abuse against a Guinean police peacekeeper was pending. The Ministry of Security reported the individual had been disciplined. The case alleges sexual exploitation (transactional sex) involving a police officer deployed in the UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. UN payment was suspended; investigations by the United Nations and the government of Guinea were pending.
Improvements: The rehabilitation of nine prisons through an EU-funded program, launched in 2017, was completed during the year.
d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention
The constitution and law prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention, but the government did not always observe these prohibitions.
The law provides for the right of any person to challenge the lawfulness of his or her arrest or detention, but few detainees chose this option due to the difficulties they might face and fear of retribution.
Arrest Procedures and Treatment of Detainees
Although the law requires arrest warrants, police did not always follow this protocol. The law also provides that detainees be charged within 48 hours, renewable once if authorized by a judge. Many detainees were held for longer periods before being charged. Authorities held most prisoners in the three main prisons indefinitely and without trial. In cases involving national security, the law allows the length of detention to be increased to 96 hours, renewable once.
The law precludes the arrest of persons in their homes between 9 p.m. and 6 a.m., but arrests between those times occurred. After being charged, the accused may be held until the conclusion of the case, including a period of appeal. Authorities routinely ignored the legal provision entitling defendants to an attorney and did not provide indigent defendants with an attorney at state expense.
Release on bail is at the discretion of the magistrate under whose jurisdiction the case falls. The law allows detainees prompt access to family members, but access was sometimes denied or restricted until families paid the guards at detention facilities (see section 1.c.).
Arbitrary Arrest: Many arrests took place without warrants and in violation of other due process protections provided in the law. Police arbitrarily arrested and detained opposition members. Authorities also arrested family members for offenses allegedly committed by their relatives.
In May a collective of lawyers denounced the arbitrary arrest of businessman Mamadou Alimou Barry, who was held in a police station for more than three weeks. According to his lawyers, Barry was not charged with a crime.
Pretrial Detention: According to an NGO working on prisoners’ issues, a 2016 reform of the justice sector decreased the length of pretrial detention by 65 percent. Despite that progress, pretrial detainees constituted 67 percent of the CPP population.
The reform transferred many judicial responsibilities to lower courts, resulting in more cases being heard. In addition, the Ministry of Justice directed the review of pretrial cases, resulting in additional prisoners being released. In September authorities appointed 28 enforcement judges with the aim of reducing prison overcrowding.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
Although the constitution and law provide for an independent judiciary, the judicial system lacked funding and was plagued by corruption. Budget shortfalls, a shortage of qualified lawyers and magistrates, an outdated and restrictive penal code, nepotism, and ethnic bias limited the judiciary’s effectiveness. Often, domestic court orders were not enforced. For example, some prisoners ordered to be freed by courts remained in detention because they failed to pay “exit fees” to guards. On the other hand, politically connected criminals often evaded prosecution.
Many citizens, wary of judicial corruption or with no other choice, relied on traditional systems of justice at the village or urban neighborhood level. Litigants presented their civil cases before a village chief, neighborhood leader, or a council of “wise men.” The dividing line between the formal and informal justice systems was vague, and authorities sometimes referred a case from the formal to the traditional system to assure compliance by all parties. Similarly, a case not resolved to the satisfaction of all parties in the traditional system could be referred to the formal system for adjudication. In the traditional system, evidence given by women carried less weight.
Trial Procedures
Trials are public, and defendants have the right to be present and to consult with an attorney in a timely manner. The prosecution prepares a case file, including testimony and other evidence, and provides a copy for the defense. Defendants have the right to confront and question prosecution witnesses and to present witnesses and evidence on their own behalf. The law provides for the presumption of innocence of accused persons, the independence of judges, the equality of citizens before the law, the right of the accused to counsel (but only for major crimes), and the right to appeal a judicial decision, but these rights were not consistently observed.
Authorities must inform defendants of charges. Defendants are entitled to free assistance from an interpreter, if necessary. Authorities must charge or release defendants within 48 hours, but they did not consistently observe this requirement. Defendants generally had adequate time but lacked resources, such as access to a lawyer, to prepare a defense. Most cases never came to trial.
Although the government was responsible for funding legal defense costs in serious criminal cases, it rarely disbursed funds for this purpose. The attorney for the defense frequently received no payment. Authorities allowed detainees’ attorneys access to their clients, but often on condition that prison guards or gendarmes be present. The law provides that defendants have the right not to be compelled to testify or confess guilt, but torture or other harsh treatment and conditions in detention centers undermined this protection.
Political Prisoners and Detainees
The government arrested or summoned individuals without cause but released them shortly thereafter. Civil society described the actions as “political intimidation.” In October ahead of planned protests, the government arrested eight of the organizers and charged them with disturbing the peace and public order. In April the president of an opposition party organized a sit-in at the National Assembly. Police arrested him and charged him with disturbing public order. The individual was later released. The government permitted access to such persons on a regular basis by the International Committee of the Red Cross.
In 2017 the Supreme Court overturned the 2013 High Court verdict sentencing Fatou Badiar to 15 years and Commander Alpha Oumar Boffa Diallo to life in prison for complicity in the 2011 attack on the president’s residence. Fatou Badiar was freed during the year through a presidential pardon after the Supreme Court overruled a lower court ruling on the case. Two other individuals implicated in the case continued to await their trial while in state custody.
Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies
The law provides for a judicial procedure in civil matters, including lawsuits seeking damages for human rights violations. The judicial process often lacked independence and impartiality. Bribes and political and social status often influenced decisions. There were few lawsuits seeking damages for human rights violations, in part due to public fear of suing security force members and lack of confidence in the competence and impartiality of the judiciary. Domestic court orders often went unenforced. NGOs that filed cases for civilians in 2012, 2013, and 2014–ranging from complaints of torture to indefinite detention–claimed their cases had yet to be heard. NGOs subsequently began opting to lodge complaints with the Economic Community of West African States Court of Justice.
f. Arbitrary or Unlawful Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence
The constitution and law prohibit such actions, but police reportedly ignored legal procedures in the pursuit of criminal suspects, including when it served their personal interests. Authorities sometimes removed persons from their homes, stole their personal belongings, and demanded payment for the release of the belongings.
The government continued to punish family members for alleged offenses committed by relatives.